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Charles James Fox 



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Ku-l.anl Fn/.i..-.lr.,-k. 



A 

HISTORY 

O F 

THE EARLY PART OF THE REIGN 

OF 

JAMES THE SECOND; 

WITH AN 

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 



BY THE 

RIGHT HON. CHARLES JAMES FOX. 



TO WHICH IS ADDED 



AN APPENDIX. 



LONDON: 

PRINTED FOR WILLIAM MILLER, ALBEM ARLE-STREET : 

BY W. SULMEB AND CO. CLEVELAND-ROW. 

1808. 



THE LIBRA 
' )F CONGREti 



WAJHlNOTCUr 



3 

SSI 



3^ f^'^^f 



TO THE READER. 



jVIr. Fox was for some years engaged in an historical 
Work, which he did not live to complete. The curiosity 
excited by the knowledge that he was so employed, 
would be sufficient to justify the publication of any Frag- 
ment of his labours, even if it had been found in a more 
unfinished state than the Chapters which compose the 
body of this volume. It is, therefore, conceived, that 
although the work is incomplete, any apology would be 
misplaced, and that in fact, I only fulfil the wishes of 
the public, in laying before them all that can now be 
obtained of a history so earnestly expected from the pen 
of Mr. Fox. 

An explanation, however, of the circumstances at- 
tending a posthumous publication, if not necessary for 
the satisfaction of the reader, is due to the memory and 
reputation of the author himself. Some notion of what 



ii TO THE READER. 

he projected, seems requisite towards forming an esti- 
mate of what he performed ; and in this instance, the 
rumours formerly circulated concerning the nature of 
his undertaking, and the materials which he had col- 
lected, render indispensable, a short statement of his 
intentions, and of the manner in which he prosecuted 
his researches. It will be yet more necessary to explain 
the state in which the manuscript was found, and the 
course which has been pursued in printing a work, 
respecting which no positive injunctions were ever 
received from the author. 

The precise period at which Mr. Fox first formed 
the design of writing a history, cannot be ascertained. 
In the year 1797, he announced publickly his intention 
of devoting " a greater'' portion of his time to his pri- 
" vate pursuits :" He was even on the point of relin- 
quishing his seat in Parliament, and retiring altogether 
from publick life ; a plan which he had formed many 
years before, and to the execution of which he always 
looked forward with the greatest delight. The remon- 
strances, however, of those friends, for whose judgment 
he had the greatest deference, ultimately prevailed. He 
consequently confined his scheme of retreat to a more 
uninterrupted residence in the country, than he had 
hitherto permitted himself to enjoy. During his retire- 
ment, that love of literature, and fondness for poetry, 

* Vide Parliamentary Debates, May 26, 1797. 



TO THE READER. iii 

which neither pleasure nor business had ever extin- 
guished, revived with an ardour, such as few in the 
eagerness of youth, or in pursuit of fame or advantage, 
are capable of feeling. For some time, however, his 
studies were not directed to any particular object. Such 
was the happy disposition of his mind, that his own re- 
flections, whether supplied by conversation, desultory 
reading, or the common occurrences of a life in the 
country, were always sufficient to call forth the vigour 
and exertion of his faculties. Intercourse witb the 
world had so little deadened in him the sense of the 
simplest enjoyments, that even in the hours of apparent 
leisure and inactivity, he retained that keen relish of 
existence, which, after the first impressions of life, is so 
rarely excited but by great interests and strong passions. 
Hence it was, that in the interval between his active 
attendance in Parliament, and the undertaking of his 
History, he never felt the tedium of a vacant day. A 
verse in Cowper, which he frequently repeated, 

How various his employments whom the world 
Calls idle I 

was an accurate description of the life he was then lead-^ 
ing ; and I am persuaded, that if he had consulted his 
own gratifications only, it would have continued to be 
so. The circumstances which led him once more to 
take an active part in publick discussions, are foreign to 
the purposes of this Preface. It is sufficient to remark,. 



iv TO THE READER. 

that they could not be foreseen, and that his notion of 
engaging in some literary undertaking was adopted 
during his retirement, and with the prospect of long and 
uninterrupted leisure before him. When he had deter- 
mined upon employing some part of it in writing, he 
was, no doubt, actuated by a variety of considerations, 
in the choice of the task he should undertake. His phi- 
losophy had never rendered him insensible to the gra- 
tification which the hope of posthumous fame so often 
produces in great minds ; and, though criticism might 
be more congenial to the habits and amusements of his 
retreat, an historical work seemed more of a piece with 
the tenour of his former life, and might prove of greater 
benefit to the publick, and to posterity. These motives, 
together with his intimate knowledge of the English 
Constitution, naturally led him to prefer the history of 
his own country, and to select a period favourable to the 
illustration of the great general principles of freedom, 
on which it is founded ; for his attachment to those prin- 
ciples, the result of practical observation, as well as 
philosophical reflection, far from having abated, had ac- 
quired new force and fresh vigour in his retirement. 

With these views, it was almost impossible that he 
should not fix on the Revolution of 1688. The event 
was cheering and animating. It was the most signal 
triumph of that cause to which his publick life had been 
devoted ; and in a review of its progress, he could not 



TO THE READER. v 

fail to recognize those principles which had regulated 
his own political conduct. But the choice of that period 
was recommended hy yet higher considerations ; the 
desire of rescuing from misrepresentation, the most 
glorious transaction of our history ; the opportunity of 
instructing his countrymen in the real nature of their 
Constitution ; and the hope of impressing on mankind 
those lessons applicable to all times, which are to be 
drawn from that memorable occurrence. 

The manner in which the most popular historians, 
and other writers of eminence, had treated the subject, 
was likely to stimulate him more strongly to such an 
undertaking. It could not escape the observation of 
Mr. Fox, that some, from the bias of their individual 
opinions, had given a false colour to the whole trans- 
action ; that others had wilfully distorted the facts to 
serve some temporary purpose ; and that Bolingbroke, 
in particular, had confounded the distinct and even op- 
posite views of the two leading parties, who, though 
they concurred in the measure, retained even in their 
union, all their respective tenets and fundamental dis- 
tinctions. 

According to his first crude conceptions of the work, 
it would, as far as I recollect, have begun at the Revo- 
lution; but he altered his mind, after a careful perusal 
of the latter part of Hume's history. An apprehen- 
sion of the false impressions which that great historian's 



vi TO THE READER. 

partiality, might have left on the mind of his readers, 
induced him to go back to the accession of King James 
the Second, and even to prefix an Introductory Chapter, 
on the character and leading events of the times im- 
mediately preceding. 

From the moment his labour commenced, he gene- 
rally spoke of his plan as extending no further than the 
settlement at the Revolution. His friends, however, 
were not without hopes, that the habit of composition 
might engage him more deeply in literary undertakings, 
or that the different views which the course of his en- 
quiries would open, might ultimately allure him on 
further in the history of his country. Some casual ex- 
pressions, both in conversation and correspondence, 
seemed to imply that the possibility of such a result was 
not entirely out of his own contemplation. He acknow- 
ledged that some papers which I had the good fortune 
to procure in Spain, " though they did not relate to his 
" period exactly, might be very useful to him, and at all 
" events entertaining; nay, possibly, that they might 
" make him go on further than he intended." ' — As his 
work advanced, his allusions to various literary pro- 
jects, such as an edition of Dryden, a Defence of Racine 
and the French Stage, Essay on the Beauties of Euripi- 
des, kc. kc. became more frequent, and were more 
confidently expressed. In a letter written to me in 

* MS. Coirespondence. 



TO THE READER vli 

1803, after observing, that a modern writer did not 
sufficiently admire Racine, he adds — " It puts me 
*' quite in a passion. Je veux contre eux fair e un jour 
*' un gros livre, as Voltaire says. Even Dryden, who 
** speaks with proper respect of Corneille, vilipends'^ 
*' Racine. If ever I publish my edition of his works, I 
** will give it him for it, you may depend. Oh how I 
** wish that I could make up my mind to think it right, 
'* to devote all the remaining part of my life to such 
*' subjects, and such only! Indeed I rather think I 
'* shall ; and yet, if there were a chance of re-establish- 
** ing a strong Whig party, (however composed,) 

" Non adeo has exosa manus victoria fugit 
" Ut tanta quicquam pro spe tentare recusem." 

Even while his undertaking was yet fresh, in the 
course of an enquiry into some matters relating to tJie 
trial of Somerset, in King James the First's reign, he 
says to his correspondent, " But what is all this, you will 
*' say, to my history? Certainly nothing; butonehisto- 
*' rical enquiry leads to another; and I recollect that the 
'* impression upon my mind was, that there was more 
" reason than is generally allowed, for suspecting 
" that Prince Henry was poisoned by Somerset, and 
•* that the King knew of it after the fact. This is not, 
** to be sure, to my present purpose ; but I have thought 

* Mr. Fox often used this word in ridicule of pedantic expressions. 



viii TO THE READER. 

" of prefixing to my work, if it ever should be finished, 
" a disquisition upon Hume's History of the Stewarts, 
*' and in no part of it would his partiality appear stron- 
" ger, than in James the First."* 

About the same time, he talked of writing, either in 
the form of a dedication, or dialogue, a treatise on the 
three arts of Poetry, History, and Oratory; which, to 
my surprize, he classed in the order I have related. 
The plan of such a work seemed, in a great measur^, 
to be digested in his head, and from the sketch he 
drew of his design to me, it would, if completed, 
have been an invaluable monument of the great origi- 
nality of thought, and singular philosophical acuteness, 
with which he was accustomed to treat of such sub- 
jects in his most careless conversations. But though 
a variety of literary projects might occasionally come 
across him, he was very cautious of promising too much ; 
for he was aware, that whatever he undertook, his 
progress in it would necessarily be extremely slow. 
He could not but foresee, that as new events arose, his 
friends would urge him to return to politicks ; and 
though his own inclinations might enable him to resist 
their entreaties, the very discussion on the propriety of 
yielding, would produce an attention to the state of 
publick affairs, and divert him in some degree from the 
pursuit in which he was engaged. But it was yet 

* MS Correspondence to Lord Lauderdale. 



TO THE READER. k 

more diJBScult to fortify himself against the seductions of 
his own inclination, which was continually drawing 
him off from his historical researches, to critical enqui- 
ries, to the study of the classicks, and to works of imagi- 
nation and poetry. Abundant proof exists of the effect 
of these interruptions, both on his labours and on his 
mind. His letters are filled with complaints, of such as 
arose from politicks, while he speaks with delight and 
complacency of whole days devoted to Euripides and 
Virgil. 

The scale which his various pursuits occupied in his 
estimation, is very naturally described in several of his 
letters. And as it is not entirely foreign to the purpose 
of this Preface, my readers may not be displeased with 
the insertion of one, as a specimen of his familiar cor- 
respondence. 

*' Dear Grey, 

** In defence of my opinion about the nightingales, I 
*' find Chaucer, who of all poets seems to have been the 
*' fondest of the singing of birds, calls it a merry note ; 
*' and though Theocritus mentions nightingales six or 
" seven times, he never mentions their note as plain- 
" tive or melancholy. It is true, he does not call it 
*' any where merry, as Chaucer does; but by mention- 
** ing it with the song of the blackbird, and as answer- 
'* ing it, beseems to imply, that it was a chearful note. 

b 



X TO THE READER. 

" Sophocles is against us ; but even he says, lamenting 
" Itys, and the comparison of her to Electra, is rather as 
" to perseverance day and night, than as to sorrow. At 
" all events, a tragick poet is not half so good authority 
*' in this question, as Theocritus and Chaucer. I can- 
'' not light upon the passage in the Odyssey, where 
** Penelope's restlessness is compared to the nightingale; 
" but I am sure that it is only as to restlessness and 
*' watchfulness, that he makes the comparison. If you 
' ' will read the last twelve books of the Odyssey, you will 
' ' certainly find it, and I am sure you will be paid for your 
'' hunt, whether you find it or not. The passage in 
" Chaucer is in the Flower and Leaf, p. 99. The one 
" I particularly allude to in Theocritus, is in his Epi- 
" grams, I think in the fourth. Dryden has transferred 
" the word merry to the goldfinch, in the Flower and 
" the Leaf; in deference, may be, to the vulgar error; 
'' but pray read his description of the nightingale there: 
" It is quite delightful. I am afraid I like these re- 
" searches as much better than those that relate to 
" Shaftesbury, Sunderland, &:c. as I do those better 
" than attending the House of Commons. 
" Your's, affectionately, 

- C. J. FOX." 

The fact is, he struggled so little against such incli- 
nations, that when pressed to sacrifice his Greek studies 



TO THE READER. xi 

for a time, he answers, " I have no thoughts of throw- 
** ing away my Greek books, and would give up the 
" whole plan if I thought it incompatible with my 
*' giving a little time to them."* 

But it was not merely the interference of other occu- 
pations, whether of business or amusement, that im- 
peded the progress of his work. 

He knew by experience, that he was as slow in com- 
position, as he was rapid in publick speaking. He had 
employed many days in writing his Letter to the Electors 
of Westminster, in 1793; and even the publication of 
his Speecht on the late Duke of Bedford, (the only in- 
stance in which he ever revised what he had delivered 
in publick,) occupied a greater portion of his time than 
couldbeeasilyimagined,bythose who were unacquainted 
with his scrupulous attention to all the niceties of 
language. In addition to these circumstances he soon 

* MS. Correspondence. 

t Having mentioned these works, I take this opportunity of adding, 
that, with the exception of the 14th, I6th, and perhaps a few other num- 
bers of a periodical publication in 1779, called the Englishman, and an 
Epitaph on the late Bishop of Downe, they are the only pieces of prose he 
ever printed ; unless indeed, one were to reckon his Advertisements to 
Electors, and the Parliamentary Papers which he may have drawn up. 

There are several specimens of his composition inverse, in different lan- 
guages : but the Lines on Mrs. Crewe, and those to Mrs. Fox, on his birth- 
day, are, as far as I recollect, all that have been printed. An Ode to Poverty, 
and an Epigram upon Gibbon, though very generally attributed to him, 
are certainly not his compositions. 



xii TO THE READER. 

perceived that his scrupulous exactness, with respect to 
all the circumstances of any fact which he was obliged 
either to relate or advert to, would retard him by the 
multiplicity and minuteness of the researches it would 
occasion. — " History goes on, (he remarked,) but it goes 
" on very slowly. The fact is, I am a very slow writer, 
" but I promise I will persevere. I believe I am too 
" scrupulous both about language and facts; though 
*' with respect to the latter, it is hardly possible. It is 
" astonishing how many facts one finds related, for 
" which there is no authority whatever. Tradition, 
^* you will say, does in some cases, but it will not apply 
'* toothers."* 

Even while he was employed in the Introduction, in 
which " as it was rather a discussion alluding to known 
'* facts, than a minute enquiry into disputed points," * 
he acknowledged that '* it was not so important to be 
*' exact to a nicety;" he nevertheless found some diffi- 
culty in tracing the information of historians to their 
original sources. Upon this, as upon all other occasions, 
where he stood in need of active assistance, he had re- 
course to the advice and friendship of Lord Lauderdale; 
and the following letter was the first step he took in 
those researches, which, after a long series of enquiries, 
enabled him both to ascertain the nature, and the fate 
of the Scotch College Manuscripts, and to procure a 

* MS. Correspondence. 



TO THE READER. xiii 

valuable collection of papers from the Depot of Foreign 
Affairs at Paris. 

To the Earl 0/ Lauderdale," 
** Dear Lauderdale, 
'' I am seriously thinking of becoming an historian, 
** and have indeed begun; but my progress hitherto is 
*' so little, that it is not worth mentioning, except upon 
*' the principle oi dimidium qui cepit. As to what people 
** may expect, I know not. If much, they will be dis- 
*' appointed; but I certainly do not intend to decline 
'* the labour of any search, which I am able to make, 
** and much less to refuse any assistance I can have in 
•' such research. I hope, therefore, you will not be 
** satisfied with merely recommending to me to make 
*' use of assistance, but give me some hint of what na- 
** ture, and from whom I may get it. To enable you to 
*' do this better, it is necessary to inform you, that the 
'* death of Charles the Second is the period from which 
" I commence my history ; though in my Introduction, 
'* I take a pretty full review of his reign, and conse- 
" quently, should be glad enough to get new lights with 
" regard to it. Even this Introductory Chapter, how- 
** ever, is not yet finished. Next, it is fit you should 
** know, that so far from having as yet examined, or even 
" looked into any manuscript papers, or other documents 

* This letter was written in the beginning of the year 1800. 



xiv TO THE READER. 

"not generally known, I do not even know where any 
" such exist, and, therefore, any information on that 
" head will be very welcome. I find one of my greatest 
*' difficulties to be, how to discover the authorities upon 
" which historians advance their facts, for they very 
" often do not refer to them. Hitherto, where I am 
•' only taking a cursory review, this is of no great im- 
" portance. But in regard to the Popish and Rye-house 
" plots particularly, I find both Rapin and Hume ad- 
" vancing so many facts, for which I cannot guess their 
" authorities, that if I were to give a regular history of 
" these transactions, I should be much puzzled. Now, 
" when I am under difficulties of this sort, can you 
" either direct me to whom I can apply for a solution 
" of them? or if I send queries to you, can you give 
" me answers to them ?" 

With both the above requests Lord Lauderdale com- 
plied ; and by his own diligence, and the assistance of Mr. 
Laing, was enabled to transmit to Mr. Fox much useful 
information. In a very short time afterwards that 
Gentleman published his History of Scotland, a work 
which Mr. Fox emphatically termed " a treasure," and 
which so animated his labours, by opening new sources 
of information, and new views of transactions, that at 
no period was he so ardent in the prosecution of his 
plan, as when fresh from the perusal of that valuable 



TO THE READER. xv 

performance. The advantages he derived from it he 
frequently declared to be incalculable ; and it certainly 
was not among the least, that it afforded him an oppor- 
tunity of cukivating the friendship of the Author, and 
consulting him on many points connected with his own 
undertaking. As the early part of his correspondence 
is of a general nature, I subjoin his first letter, and an 
extract from the second. 

To Malcolm Laing, Esq. 
" Sir, 

*' I ought long since to have acknowledged the re- 
" ceipt of your History of Scotland, and to have re- 
" turned you my thanks for your early communication 
" to me of that excellent work. It has given me the 
" greatest satisfaction; anjd there are several points re- 
*' lating to English history in it, which you appear to me 
" to have cleared up much more than any other of those 
" historians who have professedly treated of them. 

" What you say in answer to Hume, upon the sub- 
'^ ject of Glamorgan's powers, is quite conclusive; but 
" I rather regret that you have not taken notice of 
" that part of his argument which is built upon what 
" he calls Glamorgan's defeazance, and which is the 
*' most plausible part of it. 

" In Charles the Second's reign, I observe that you 
'* do not mention the atrocious case of Wier, which 



xvi TO THE READER. 

** Hume details; but that which you say of Laurie of 
•' Blackwood is very like what he relates of Wier. 
*' Would it be too much trouble to ask of you to let me 
*' know whether Hume's statement of Wier is a correct 



oner 



*' I had detected the trick of Hume's theatrical and 
** false representation of Charles the First hearing the 
'* noise of his scaffold, but did not know that he had had 
*' Herbert's authentick account so lately under his eye. 
** In general, I think you treat him (Hume) too tenderly. 
*' He was an excellent man, and of great powers of 
*' mind, but his partiality to kings and princes is into- 
*' lerable. Nay, it is, in my opinion, quite ridiculous, 
'* and is more like the foolish admiration which women 
*' and children sometimes have for kings, than the 
** opinion, right or wrong, of a philosopher. 

" I wanted no conviction on the point of Ossian ; 
*' but if I had, you afford abundance. 

" Whether your book, coming out at a period when 
** the principles upon it which appears to be written are 
" becoming so unfashionable, will be a popular one or 
" not, I know not ; but to all who wish to have a true 
*' knowledge of the history of your country, it is a most 
** valuable acquisition, and will serve to counteract 
" the mischief which Hume, Dalrymple, Macpherson, 
*' Somervile, and others of your countrymen have 
*' done. You will easily believe that I do not class 



TO THE READER. xvii 

** Hume with the others, except as to the bad tendency 
" of their representations. 

*' I shall desire my friend, Lord Lauderdale, to 
*' transmit this to you. 

** I am, with great regard, 
- Sir, 
*' Your most obedient Servant, 

St. Anne's Hill, n Q T JTQX *' 

Sept. 24, 1800. ' ^' 

Extract from a Second Letter to Mr. Laing. 

*' Many thanks to you, my dear Sir, for yours of the 
'* 10th. I have found the place in Ralph, and a great 
*' deal more important matter relative to the transac- 
" tions of those times, which is but slightly touched by 
*' other historians. I am everyday more and more sur- 
" prized, that Ralph should have had so much less re- 
" putation as an historian than he seems to deserve. 

" I will trouble you freely when I shall have far- 
" ther questions to ask; but I should take it very ill 
' ' if you were so to confine your answer to mere matter 
" of reference, as not to give me your opinion, when 
" you form any, upon the points in question." 

A correspondence ensued, from which it appears 
that he took indefatigable pains to investigate the autho- 
rity for every assertion in the writers he consulted, 
and to correct the slightest variation in their accounts, 

c 



xviu TO THE READER. 

though apparently of little importance. Before he 
drew any inference whatever, the weight of evidence 
was so carefully balanced in his mind, that the authority 
for each particular circumstance was separately exa- 
mined, and distinctly ascertained. Indeed the necessity 
and even use of such extreme circumspection, such 
scrupulous sifting of his most minute materials, might 
at first sight appear questionable. But many parts of 
the work are sufficient to prove that such labours were 
far from being fruitless. An instance is easily selected. 
His enquiries concerning the seizure and execution of 
the Earl of Argyle, are contained in the correspondence 
with Mr. Laing, and they are of the nature I have de- 
scribed; but on reading his narrative of those events, the 
advantages he derived from the circumstantial minute- 
ness of his materials, will not be found less striking, 
than his diligence in procuring and analyzing them. 

One of the earliest and greatest difficulties that he 
encountered in the course of his labours, arose from 
the manner in which Mr. Macpherson and Sir J. Dal- 
rymple had explained and conducted their respective 
publications, and which he always considered as un- 
satisfactory. His complaints of both these authors 
were frequent; and the more he examined and studied 
their books, the more he perceived the necessity of 
making some further researches. He was anxious, if 
possible, to consult the original documents from which 



TO THE READER. xix 

their extracts were made; and he was at first apprehen- 
sive, that nothing short of an examination of all the 
manuscripts of the Scotch College at Paris, could enable 
him to determine the degree of credit due to the extracts 
of Macpherson. But he must very soon have despaired 
of obtaining that satisfaction, for he had strong reasons 
to suspect, even before his journey to Paris in 1802, 
that the most valuable part, if not the whole of them, 
had been destroyed. Three important points, however, 
might yet be ascertained: — 1st, Of what the manu- 
scripts, so long preserved in the Scotch College at Paris, 
actually consisted; — Sndly, To what part of them either 
Carte or Macpherson had access; — Sdly, Whether any 
portion, copies, or fragments, of the papers were still in 
existence. The result of his enquiries will be best 
given in his own words, though upon the first point 
he had ascertained" something more than appears from 
the following extract of his letter to Mr. Laing. 

* Among Mr. Fox's papers was found a list of " the works which were 
" placed in the Scotch College at Paris, soon after the death of James the 
" Second, and were there at the time of the French Revolution," It is 
as follows : 

„ , r 1- ' r Memoirs in James the Second's own hand- 

four volumes lolio, six ^ , . ... „ , . , , 

, < writina;, besfinning; irom the time that he was 

volumes quarto, i . ^ „ ^ 

(^sixteen years ot age. 

C Containing letters from Charles the Second's mi- 
Two thin quarto volumes, ) ^j^jg^g to James the Second (then Duke of York,) 
Cwhen he was at Brussels and in Scotland, MS. 

rr. ,, . , (Containing; letters from Charles the Second to 

1 wo thin quarto volumes, < . 

t^his brother, James Duke of York, MS. 



XX TO THE READER. 

" With respect to Carte's extract, I have no doubt 
*' but it is faithfully copied; but on this extract it is 
" necessary to make an observation, which applies to 
" all the rest, both of Carte's and Macpherson's, and 
*' which leads to the detection of an imposture of the 
" latter, as impudent as Ossian itself. The extracts 
" are evidently made, not from a journal, but from a 
* ' narrative ; and / have now ascertained beyond all doubt 
" that there were in the Scotch College two distinct 
" manuscripts, one in James's own hand, consisting of 
^' papers of different sizes bound up together, the other 
" a sort of historical narrative, compiled from the 
" former. The narrative \yd&said to have been revised 
" and corrected, as to style, by Dryden* the poet, 
** (meaning probably Charles Dryden, the great poet's 
" son,) and it was not known in the College whether it 
^' was drawn up in James's life, or by the direction of 
* his son, the Pretender. I doubt whether Carte ever 
" saw the original journal ; but I learn, from undoubted 
"authority, that Macpherson never did; and yet to 
" read his Preface, page 6 and 7 , (which pray advert to,) 
" one would have supposed, not only that he had in- 
" spected it accurately, but that all his extracts at least, 

* It is the opinion of the present possessor of the narrative, that it was 
compiled from the original documents by Thomas Innes, one of the Supe- 
riors of the College, and author of a work entitled, A Critical Essa/ on ilu 
undent Inhabitants of Scotland 



TO THE READER. xxi 

** if not Carte's also, were taken from it. Macpherson's 
" impudence in attempting such an imposition, at a 
" time when almost any man could have detected him, 
" would have been in another man, incredible, if the 
" internal evidence of the extracts themselves against 
" him were not corroborated by the testimony of the 
*' principal persons of the College. And this leads me 
"to a point of more importance to me. Principal 
" Gordon thought, when I saw him at Paris, in October 
" 1802, that all the papers were lost. I now hear from 
" a well-informed person, that the most material, viz. 
" those written in James's own hand-writing, were in- 
" deed lost, and in the way mentioned by Gordon, but 
" that the Narrative, from which only Macpherson made 
" his extracts, is still existing, and that Mr. Alexander 
" Cameron, Blackfriars Wynd, Edinburgh, either has 
" it himself, or knows where it is to be found." 

The above information was correct. There is strong 
presumptive evidence, that the Manuscripts of King 
James the Second were destroyed ; but the Narrative, 
as described, was then, and is now, in the hands of Dr. 
Cameron, Roman Catholick Bishop in Edinburgh. It 
could not be in the possession of a person who is better 
qualified to judge of its merits, and on whose fidelity, 
should he be induced to print it, the publick might 
more implicitly rely. I am indebted to his accuracy 
and friendship, for some additional information respect- 



xxii TO THE READER. 

ing the manner in which the Manuscripts of the Scotch 
College were lost. As the facts are in themselves cu- 
rious, I lay before the reader his succinct and inter- 
esting relation of them, contained in a letter to me, 
dated Edinburgh, March 2, 1808. 

" Before Lord Gower, the British Embassador, left 

'' Paris, in the beginning of the French Revolution, he 

" wrote to Principal Gordon, and offered to take charge 

'' of those valuable papers, (King James's Manuscripts, 

*' 8cc.) and deposit them in some place of safety in 

*' Britain. I know not what answer was returned, but 

*' nothing was done. Not long thereafter, the Principal 

" came to England, and the care of every thing in the 

" College devolved on Mr. Alexander Innes, the only 

" British subject who remained in it. About the same 

*' time, Mr. Stapleton, then President of the English 

" College of St. Omer, afterwards Bishop in England, 

" went to Paris, previously to his retiring from France, 

" and Mr. Innes, who had resolved not to abandon his 

" post, consulted with him about the means of pre- 

" serving the Manuscripts. Mr. Stapleton thought, if 

" he had them at St. Omer, he could, with small risk, 

*' convey them to England. It was therefore resolved, 

'* that they should be carefully packed up, addressed to 

*' a Frenchman, a confidential friend of Mr. Stapleton, 

*' and remitted by some publick carriage. Some other 



TO THE READER. xxiii 

" things were put up with the Manuscripts. The whole 
" arrived without any accident, and was laid in a cellar. 
*' But the patriotism of the Frenchman becoming suspi- 
*' cious, perhaps upon account of his connection with 
" the English College, he was put in prison; and his 
" wife, apprehensive of the consequences of being found 
•' to have English manuscripts, richly bound and orna- 
" mented with Royal arms, in her house, cut off the 
*' boards, and destroyed them. The Manuscripts thus 
" disfigured, and more easily huddled up in any sort of 
" bundle, were secretly carried, with papers belonging 
'^' to the Frenchman himself, to his country-house, and 
" buried in the garden. They were not, however, per- 
" mitted to remain long there ; the lady's fears increased, 
" and the Manuscripts were taken up and reduced to 
" ashes. 

'' This is the substance of the account given to Mr, 
" Innes, and reported by him to me in June, 1802, in 
" Paris. I desired it might be authenticated by d. proces 
" verbale. A letter was therefore written to St. Gmer, 
" either by Mr. Innes, or by Mr. Cleghorn, a lay gen- 
" tleman, who had resided in the English College of St. 
" Omer, and was personally acquainted with the French- 
^^ man, and happened to be at Paris at this time. The 
*' answer given to this letter was, that the good man, 
^' under the pressure of old age and other infirmities, 
'^'- was alarmed by the proposal of a discussion and 



xxiv TO THE READER. 

*' investigation, which revived in his memory past 
" sufferings, and might, perhaps, lead to a renewal of 
" them. Any further correspondence upon the subject 
*' seemed useless, especially as I instructed Mr. Innes 
*' to go to St. Omer, and clear up every doubt, in a 
" formal and legal manner, that some authentic docu- 
*' ment might be handed down to posterity concerning 
" those valuable Manuscripts. I did not foresee that 
" war was to be kindled up anew, or that my friend 
^' Mr. Innes was to die so soon. 

" Mr. Cleghorn, whom I mentioned above, is at 
*' present in the Catholick seminary of Old-Hall Green, 
^' Puckeridge, Hertfordshire. He can probably name 
" another gentleman who saw the Manuscripts at St. 
" Omer, and saved some small things, (but unconnected 
^' with the Manuscripts,) which he carried away in his 
*' pocket, and has still in his possession. 
• " I need not trouble your Lordship with my reflec- 
*' tions upon this relation ; but I ought not to omit that 
*' I was told, sometimes, that all the Manuscripts, as 
" well as their boards, were consumed by fire in the 
" cellar in which they had been deposited upon their 
'* arrival at St. Omer." 

The gentleman alluded to in the latter part of the 
above letter, is Mr. Mostyn, from whom Mr. Butler of 
Lincoln's-Inn very kindly procured a statement of the 



TO THE READER. xxv 

particulars relating to this subject, in the year 1804, 
and transmitted it to Mr. Fox. It contains in substance, 
though with some additional circumstances, and slight 
variations, the same account as Mr. Cameron's, up to the 
period of the writer's leaving St. Omer, which was pre- 
vious to the imprisonment of the Frenchman.* 

Mr. Fox, in a letter to Mr. Laing, remarks, that, to 
*' know that a paper is lost, is next best to getting a sight 
" of it, and in some instances nearly as good." So many 
rumours have been circulated, and so many misappre- 
hensions prevailed, respecting the contents and the fate 
of the Manuscripts formerly deposited in the Scotch 
College at Paris, that it is hoped the above account, the 
result of the Historian's researches, will not be deemed 
out of its place in a Preface to a History of the times to 
which those manuscripts related. 

The Scotch College papers were not, however, the 
only, nor even the chief object of Mr. Fox's historical 
enquiries at Paris. He had remarked, that Sir John 
Dalrymple frequently " quotes, or rather refers to,+ ' 
documents in the Depot des Affaires Etrangeres, without 
printing the letter, or extracting the passage from which 
his statements are taken, and his inferences drawn. 

* Mr. Mostyn's letter to Mr. Butler was published in one of the Maga- 
zines, it would therefore be superfluous to reprint it. The name of the 
Frenchman was Mr. Charpentier, and his country house was at St. 
Momelin, near St. Omer. 

■»? MS. Correspondence. 

d 



xxvi TO THE READER. 

This made him particularly desirous of examining the 
Original Letters of Barillon ; and he was not without 
hopes that many other papers in the Depot des Affaires 
Etrangeres, might prove equally interesting and impor- 
tant. It was obvious, however, that during war, he 
could not have personal access to such documents. He 
was therefore on the point of applying, through some 
private friend at Paris, for a copy of such letters as he 
could distinctly describe to his correspondent, when the 
restoration of peace enabled him to repair thither; and 
the liberality of the French Government opened to 
him the archives of the Foreign Affairs without reserve, 
and afforded him every facility and convenience for 
consulting and copying such papers as appeared to him 
to be material. He lost no time in availing himself of 
this permission, and while he remained at Paris, he 
passed a great part of every morning at the Depot des 
Affaires Etr anger es, accompanied by his friends Lord 
St. John, Mr. Adair, and Mr. Trotter, who assisted him 
in examining and transcribing the original papers. 

The correspondence of Barillon did not disappoint 
his expectations. He thought the additional information 
contained in those parts of it, which Sir John Dalrymple 
had omitted to extract, or to publish, so important, that 
he procured copies of them all. He observed to one of 
his correspondents, " my studies at Paris have been use- 
" ful beyond what I can describe:" and his expression 



TO THE READER xxvii 

to me was, that '* Barillon's letters were worth their 
** weight in gold."* It should seem that he discovered 
some curious circumstances from the correspondence of 
D'Avaux, for he copied out those letters also at length, 
though a large collection or abstract of them had been 
formerly published. 

The correspondence of the above mentioned French 
Ministers with their Court, formed the chief materials 
which he brought over with him from France. He was 
disappointed at my failing to procure him that of the 
Spanish Ambassador, t resident in London during the 
same period, " which, he said, would have given him 
" advantages of the greatest consequence over all other 
'' historians." The papers, however, of which he was 
already in possession were, in his judgment, sufficient 
to throw new light upon many transactions of the reign 
of King James the Second. If, therefore, unforeseen 
circumstances had not occurred, soon after his return, 
to retard the progress of his work, there can be little 
doubt, but he would have composed more during that 
year, than he had been able to complete since the com- 
mencement of the undertaking. He was at first occupied 

* MS. Correspondence. 

+ Don Pedro RonquIUo. Mr. Fox commissioned me to obtain for him, 
copies of his Letters from I685 to I688 inclusive. By a perverse piece 
of luck, I fell in with and purchased his original Letters from 1 689 to 
1691 ; but could never find any traces whatever of his previous corres- 
pondence. 



xxviii TO THJE READER; 

in inserting into the parts he had fimished, such ad- 
ditional information as he had drawn from the sources 
opened to him by his researches at Paris. This was to 
him a task of greater labour than at first sight might be 
expected. "I find," he says, "piecing in the bits which 
" I have written from my Parisian materials, a trouble- 
** some job."* It is indeed probable, that his difficulties 
upon this occasion, were greater than any other modern 
historian would have had to encounter. I have men- 
tioned them more particularly, because they in some 
measure arose from his scrupulous attention to certain 
notions he entertained on the nature of an historical 
composition. If indeed the work were finished, the 
nature of his design would be best collected from his 
execution of it; but as it is unfortunately in an incomplete 
and unfinished state, his conception of the duties of an 
historian may very possibly be misunderstood. The con- 
sequence would be, that some passages, which, according 
to modern taste, must be called peculiarities, might, with 
superficial critics, pass for defects which he had over- 
looked, or imperfections which he intended to correct. 
It is, therefore, necessary to observe, that he had formed 
his plan so exclusively on the model of ancient writers, 
that he not only felt some repugnance to the modern 
practice of notes, but he thought that all which an 
historian wished to say, should be introduced as part of 

* MS. Correspondence. 



TO THE READER. xxix 

a continued narration, and never assume the appearance 
of a digression, much less of a dissertation annexed to it. 
From the period, therefore, that he closed his Introduc- 
tory Chapter, he defined his duty as an author, to consist 
in recounting the facts as they arose, or in his simple 
and forcible language, in telling the story of those times. 
A conversation which passed on the subject of the lite- 
rature of the age of James the Second, proves his rigid 
adherence to these ideas, and perhaps the substance of 
it may serve to illustrate and explain them. In speak- 
ing of the writers of that period, he lamented that he 
had not devised a method of interweaving any account 
of them or their works, much less any criticism on their 
style, into his History. On my suggesting the example 
of Hume and Voltaire, who have discussed such topicks 
at some length, either at the end of each reign, or in a 
separate Chapter, he observed, with much commenda- 
tion of their execution of it, that such a contrivance 
might be a good mode of writing critical essays, but 
that it was, in his opinion, incompatible with the na- 
ture of his undertaking, which, if it ceased to be a nar- 
rative, ceased to be a history. 

Such restraints undoubtedly operated as taxes upon 
his ingenuity, and added to that labour which the ob- 
servance of his general laws of composition rendered 
sufficiently great. On the rules of writing he had re- 
flected much, and deeply. His own habits naturally 



XXX TO THE READER. 

led him to compare them with those of publick speak- 
ing, and the different, and even opposite principles 
upon which excellence is to be attained in these two 
great arts, were no unusual topicks of his conversation. 
The difference did not, in his judgment, consist so 
much in language or diction, as in the arrangement of 
thoughts, the length and construction of sentences, and, 
if I may borrow a phrase familiar to publick speakers, 
in the mode of putting an argument. A writer, to pre- 
serve his perspicuity, must keep distinct and separate 
those parts of a discourse, which the orator is enabled, 
by modulation of voice, and with the aid of action, to 
bring at once into view, without confounding or per- 
plexing his audience. Frequency of allusion, which 
in speaking produces the happiest effect, in writing 
renders the sense obscure, and interrupts the simplicity 
of the discourse. Even those sudden turns, those un- 
foreseen flashes of wit which, struck out at the moment, 
dazzle and delight a publick assembly, appear cold and 
inanimate, when deliberately introduced into a written 
composition. 

A perusal of the Letter to the Electors of Westmin- 
ster, will shew how scrupulously Mr. Fox attended to 
these distinctions. That work was written in the heat 
of a Session of Parliament. It treated professedly of 
subjects upon which the writer was daily in the habit 
of speaking, with his usual force of argument and 



TO THE READER. xxxi 

variety of illustration. Notwithstanding these circum- 
stances, no political tract of any note in our language, 
is inform or style less oratorical, or, with the exception 
of one passage, more free from those peculiarities, which 
the practice of publick speaking seems calculated to 
produce. Such a strict observance of these principles 
must have cost him great trouble and attention. He was 
so apprehensive that his writings might retain some 
traces of that art, in the exercise of which he had em- 
ployed the greater part of his life, that he frequently re- 
jected passages, which in any other author would not have 
appeared liable to such an objection. He seems even 
to have distrusted his own judgment upon this subject ; 
and after having taken the greatest pains, he was never 
sufficiently satisfied of his own success. If we except 
the account of the Earl of Argyle, the Introductory 
Chapter is unquestionably the most correct and finished 
part of the present publication. He did not, however, 
conceive it to be entirely exempt from a defect to which 
he apprehended that his works must be peculiarly ex- 
posed. He says to his correspondent, " I have at last 
" finished my Introduction, which after all is more like 
" a speech than it should be." 

Simplicity, both in expression and construction, was 
the quality in style which he most admired, and the 
beauty he chiefly endeavoured to attain. He was the 
more scrupulously anxious to preserve this character in 



xxxii TO THE READER. 

his writings, because he thought that the example of 
some great writers had, in his own time, perverted the 
taste of the publick, and that their imitators had cor- 
rupted the purity of the English language. Though he 
frequently commended both Hume's and Blackstone's 
style, and always spoke of Middleton's with admiration, 
he once assured me, that he would admit no word into 
his book, for which he had not the authority of Dry den. 
He was scarcely less nice about phrases and expres- 
sions. It is indeed possible, that those of his readers, 
who have formed their taste upon Johnson or Gibbon, 
or taken their notions of style from the criticism of late 
years, may discover, in the course of the work, some 
idioms which are now seldom admitted into the higher 
classes of composition. To speak without reserve upon 
a subject in which his judgment, as an author, may be 
called in question, it appears to me more likely, that 
such phrases should have been introduced upon system, 
than that they should have escaped his observation, and 
crept in through inadvertence. The work is indeed, 
" incomplete and unfinished T but it is not with refer- 
ence to any phrases, which may be supposed to be too 
familiar, or colloquial, that such a description has been 
given of it. Such was the Author's abhorrence of any 
thing that savoured of pedantry or affectation, that if he 
was ever reduced to the alternative of an inflated, or 
homely expression, I have no doubt but he preferred 



TO THE READER. xxxiii 

the latter. This persuasion, in addition to many other 
considerations, has induced me religiously to preserve, 
in the publication of this Work, every phrase and word 
of the Original Manuscript. Those who are disposed to 
respect his authority, may have the satisfaction of 
knowing, that there is not one syllable in the follow- 
ing Chapters, which is not the genuine production of 
Mr. Fox. That there are several passages, (especially 
in the latter end of the text,) which he might, that 
there are some which he obviously would, have cor- 
rected, is unquestionable; but, with the knowledge of 
such scrupulous attention to language in an author, to 
have substituted any word or expression, for that which 
he had written, would not have been presumption only, 
but injustice. 

The manuscript book from which this Work has been 
printed is, for the most part, in the hand writing of 
Mrs. Fox. It was written out under the inspection of 
Mr. Fox, and is occasionally corrected by him. His 
habit was seldom or never to be alone, when employed 
in composition. He was accustomed to write on covers 
of letters, or scraps of paper, sentences which he, in all 
probability, had turned in his mind, and, in some de- 
gree formed in the course of his walks, or during his 
hours of leisure. These he read over to Mrs. Fox ; she 
wrote them out in a fair hand in the book ; and before 
he destroyed the original paper, he examined and 



xxxiv TO THE READER. 

approved of the copy. In the course of thus dictating 
from his own writing, he often altered the language, and 
even the construction of the sentence. Though he 
generally tore the scraps of paper as soon as the passages 
were entered in the book, several have been preserved ; 
and it is plain, from the erasures and alterations in 
them, that they had undergone much revision and cor- 
rection before they were read to his Amanuensis. 

It is necessary to observe, that I am indebted to Mr. 
Laing, both for advice and assistance in the division of 
the paragraphs, the annexing of marginal notes and re- 
ferences, the selection of the Appendix, and the super- 
intendance of the press. From his judgment and expe- 
rience, I have derived great benefit ; and his friendship 
in undertaking the task has afforded me the further satis- 
faction of reflecting, that I have been guided throughout 
by that advice to which the Author himself would have 
wished me on such an occasion to have recourse. 

The Appendix consists, with some few exceptions,* 
of such part of Barillon's correspondence, from the death 
of Charles the Second to the Prorogation of Parliament 
in 1685, as Sir John Dalrymple omitted to publish. As 
the letters of a subsequent date, however curious and 
interesting, have no relation to the short period of 
history included in the following Chapters, they have 
not been annexed to the present publication. 

* The Dispatch, p. ix. — Extracts, pp. xviii. xxviii, xli. Ivii. ciii. 



TO THE READER. xxxv 

This account will be sufficient to explain all the 
circumstances attending the design, progress, and state 
of the Work, as well as the manner in which it is now 
brought before the publick. If any should object to my 
having entered into so much detail respecting those 
points, I have no other excuse to offer, than the nature 
of the task I had undertaken, and the extreme anxiety, 
that no fault or omission of the Editor should by any 
possibility be attributed to the Author. Perhaps it may 
be necessary to forestall an observation of a very dif- 
ferent description. Those who admired Mr. Fox in 
publick, and those who loved him in private, niust 
naturally feel desirous that some memorial should be 
preserved of the great and good qualities of his head and 
heart. Some among them may think that the present 
account should not have been confined to such matters 
only as relate to the unfinished work to which it is pre- 
fixed. It is true that, at the melancholy period of his 
death, advantage was taken of the interest excited by all 
that concerned him, to impose upon the publick a variety 
of memoirs and anecdotes, (in the form of pamphlets,) as 
unfounded in fact as they were painful to his friends, and 
injurious to his memory. The confident pretensions with 
which many of those publications were ushered into 
the world, may have given them some little circulation 
at the time ; but the internal evidence of their falsehood 
was sufficiently strong to counteract any impression 



xxxvi TO THE READER. 

which their contents might be calculated to produce. 
It is not, therefore, with a view of exposing such mis- 
representations, that any authentick account of the life 
of Mr. Fox can be deemed necessary. On the other 
hand, the objections to such an undertaking at present 
are obvious ; and after much reflection, they have 
appeared to those connected with him to be insu- 
perable. A compilation of his speeches, or of such 
transactions of his publick life as are well known, 
might be, and probably has already been, executed 
with as much fidelity and success by others, as it could 
be by those who had the advantage of a closer intimacy 
or nearer connection with him. If more were at- 
tempted, either many interesting passages of his life 
must be omitted, and truth in some instances suppres- 
sed, or circumstances which might wound the feelings 
of individuals yet living, must be unnecessarily and 
wantonly disclosed to the publick. No allusion is here 
made to any particular period, transaction, or person: 
the observation is general : it applies to the memoirs 
of every publick man, and must therefore be true in 
the instance of Mr. Fox. 

These considerations have induced his family and 
friends lo relinquish, for the present, any such design. 
It is, however, a duty to the publick, as well as to the 
memory of any great and good man, to preserve with 
the utmost diligence, all the materials which may 



TO THE READER. xxxvii 

enable a future biographer to do justice to the events 
of his life, and the merits of his character. With this 
view, the private letters of Mr. Fox have been carefully 
collected ; and I am already indebted to several of his 
correspondents for the originals or copies of such as 
were in their possession. It is hoped, that by these and 
further communications, the means will be secured of 
perpetuating the remembrance of his publick and pri- 
vate virtues, and of conveying a faint, but just notion 
of his character to posterity. 

In the mean while, his friends will contemplate 
with some satisfaction this monument, however imper- 
fect, of his genius and acquirements ; they will recog- 
nize throughout the work those noble and elevated prin- 
ciples, which animated his own conduct in life ; and in 
the simplicity of the thoughts, as well as in the nature 
of the reflections, they cannot fail to discover a picture 
of his candid and amiable mind. 

VASSALL HOLLAND. 

Holland House, 
Jpril 25lh, 1808. 



[ xxxviii ] 



POSTSCRIPT. 

May 4. 

OiNCE the preceding pages were printed, Serjeant 
Heywood has obligingly communicated to me copies of 
several letters which he received from Mr. Fox, on sub- 
jects connected with his History. They evince the same 
anxiety about facts, and the same minuteness of research, 
which have been remarked in his correspondence with 
Mr. Laing. But some of his readers may be gratified 
with the perusal of the following, as it contains his view 
of the character of Lord Shaftesbury, upon which so much 
difference of opinion has existed among historians. 

" Dear Heywood, 

" I am much obliged to you for your letter ; of the 
'* hints in which I shall avail myself, when I return to 
" this place, (as I hope,) before the end of the week. I 
" go to town to-morrow, and shall be in the House on 
" Tuesday. 

" I remember most of the passages in Madame de 
" Sevigne, and will trouble you or Mrs. Heywood to 
" hunt for another, which I also remember, and which 
" in some views is of importance. If my memory does 



POSTSCRIPT. xxxix 

" not deceive me, in one of the early volumes, while 
*' Barillon is in England, she mentions the reports of 
*' his being getting a great deal of money there ; but I 
" have not lately been able to find the passage. Pray 
" observe, that notwithstanding the violence against the 
*' Prince of Orange, Madame de Sevigne's good sense 
*' and candour make her allow, that there is another 
*' view of the matter, in which the Prince of Orange, 
" fighting and conquering for a religion, quil croit la 
" vraye, k.z. he. appears a hero. Her account of James, 
" both for insensibility and courage, is quite at variance 
*' with his apparent conduct before he went off. Here 
" he appears to have been deficient in courage, and by 
** no means in sensibility. 

" I am quite glad I have little to do with Shaftesbury; 
" for as to making him a real patriot, or friend to our 
" ideas of liberty, it is impossible, at least in my opi- 
" nion. On the other hand, he is very far from being 
*' the devil he is described. Indeed, he seems to have 
" been strictly a man of honour, if that praise can be 
" given to one destitute of public yirtue, and who did 
" not consider Catholicks as fellow-creatures ; a feeling 
*' very common in those times. Locke was probably 
*' caught by his splendid qualities, his courage, his 
" openness, his party zeal, his eloquence, his fair deal- 
*' ing with his friends, and his superiority to vulgar 
*' corruption. Locke's partiality might make him, on 



xl POSTSCRIPT. 

*' the other hand, blind to the indifference with which 
** he (Shaftesbury,) espoused either Monarchical, Arbi- 
" trary, or Republican principles, as best suited his 
'^ ambition; but could it make him blind to the relent- 
** less cruelty with which he persecuted the Papists in 
*' the affair of the Popish Plot, merely, as it should 
*' seem, because it suited the purposes of the party with 
*' which he was then engaged? — You know that some 
** of the imputations against him are certainly false ; the 
'• shutting up the Exchequer, for instance. But the two 
*' great blots of sitting on the Regicides, and his con- 
" duct in the Popish Plot, can never be wiped off. 
*' The second Dutch war is a bad business, in which he 
" engaged heartily, and in which (notwithstanding all 
" his apologists say,) he would have persevered, if he 
'' had not found the King was cheating him. 

" Your's ever, 

'»C. J. FOX." 

Sunday, St. Junes Hill, 
(Chertsey, November 20, 1803. 

Serjeant Heywood, Harpur Street.) 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER, 



CONTENTS. 



Introductory Observations. — First Period, from Henry VII. to the 
Year I588. — Second Period, from I588 to I640.— Meeting of Parlia- 
ment. — Redress of Grievances. — Strafford's Attainder. — The com- 
mencement of the Civil War. — Treaty from the Isle of Wight. — 
The King's Execution. — Cromwell's Power; — his Character. — Indif- 
ference of the Nation respecting Forms of Government. — The Res- 
toration. — Ministry of Clarendon and Southampton. — Cabal. — 
Dutch War. — De Witt. — The Prince of Orange. — The Popish 
Plot. — The Habeas Corpus Act. — The Exclusion Bill. — Dissolution 
of Charles the Second's last Parliament. — His Power ; — his Tyranny 
in Scotland ; in England. — Exorbitant Fines. — Executions. — For- 
feitures of Charters. — Despotism established, — Despondency of 
good Men. — Charles's Death. — His Character. — Reflections upon 
the probable Consequences of his Reign and Death. 







HISTORY, i^c. 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 



In reading the history of every country, there are chapter 
certain periods at which the mind naturally pauses, 

.11 • 1 r Introductory 

to meditate upon, and consider them, with reierence^ observations 
not only to their immediate effects, but to their more 
remote consequences. After the wars of Marius 
and Sylla, and the incorporation, as it were, of all 
Italy with the city of Rome, we cannot but stop, to 
consider the consequences likely to result from these 
important events ; and in this instance we find them 
to be just such as might have been expected. 

The reign of our Henry the Seventh affords a First Period, 
field of more doubtful speculation. Everyone who cession of 

, . . ^ HinryVlI.to 

takes a retrospective view of the wars of York and theyeaudss 



e 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 



CHAPTER Lancaster, and attends to the regulations effected by 
'• — the policy of that prince, must see they would ne- 
cessarily lead to great and important changes in the 
government; but what the tendency of such changes 
would be, and much more, in what manner they 
would be produced, might be a question of great diffi- 
culty. It is now the generally received opinion, and 
I think a probable opinion, that, to the provisions 
of that reign, we are to refer the origin, both of the 
unlimited power of the Tudors, and of the liberties 
wrested by our ancestors from the Stuarts ; that ty- 
ranny was their immediate, and liberty their remote, 
consequence ; but he must have great confidence in 
his own sagacity, who can satisfy himself, that, un- 
aided by the knowledge of subsequent events, he 
could, from a consideration of the causes, have fore- 
seen the succession of effects so different. 
Second Pe- Auothcr pcriod, that affords ample scope for spe- 

riod, from , ri-i-i'i I'l- ' i 

i588toi64o. culation of this kind, is that which is comprised 
between the years fifteen hundred and eighty-eight, 
and sixteen hundred and forty ; a period of almost 
uninterrupted tranquillity and peace. The general 
improvement in all arts of civil life, and above all, 
the astonishing progress of literature, are the most 
striking among the general features of that period ; 
and are in themselves causes sufficient to produce 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 1 

effects of the utmost importance. A country whose chapter 

language was enriched by the works of Hooker, 

Raleigh, and Bacon, could not but experience a sen- 
sible change in its manners, and in its style of 
thinking ; and even to speak the same language in 
which Spenser and Shakespeare had written, seemed 
a sufficient plea to rescue the Commons of England 
from the appellation of Brutes, with which Henry 
the Eighth had addressed them. Among the more 
particular effects of this general improvement, the 
most material, and worthy to be considered, appear 
to me to have been the frequency of debate in the 
House of Commons, and the additional value that 
came to be set on a seat in that assembly. 

From these circumstances, a sagacious observer 
maybe led to expect the most important revolutions; 
and from the latter, he may be enabled to foresee 
that the House of Commons will be the principal 
instrument in bringing them to pass. But in what 
manner will that House conduct itself? Will it 
content itself with its regular share of legislative 
power, and with the influence which it cannot fail 
to possess, whenever it exerts itself upon the other 
branches of the legislative, and on the executive 
power? or will it boldly (perhaps rashly) pretend to 
a power commensurate with the natural rights of 



8 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER the representative of the people? If it should, will 

! it not be obliged to support its claims by military 

force? and how long will such a force be under its 
controul ? how long before it follows the usual course 
of all armies, and ranges itself under a single master? 
If such a master should arise, will he establish an 
hereditary, or an elective government? if the first, 
what will be gained but a change of dynasty? If 
the second, will not the military force, as it chose 
the first king or protector (the name is of no impor- 
tance) choose in effect all his successors? Or will 
he fail, and shall we have a restoration, usually the 
most dangerous and worst of all revolutions? To 
some of these questions the answers may, from the 
experience of past ages, be easy, but to many of 
them far otherwise. And he will read history with 
most profit, who the most canvasses questions of 
this nature, especially if he can divest his mind for 
the time, of the recollection of the event as it in 
fact succeeded. 
ThirdPeriod. The ncxt period, as it is that which immediately 
precedes the commencement of this History, requires 
a more detailed examination ; nor is there any more 
fertile of matter, whether for reflection or speculation. 
Between the year sixteen hundred and forty, and the 
death of Charles the Second, we have the opportu- 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 9 

nity of contemplating the state in almost every va- chapter 

riety of circumstance. Religious dispute, political ! — 

contest in all its forms and degrees, from the honest 
exertions of party, and the corrupt intrigues of fac- 
tion, to violence and civil war; despotism, first in 
the person of an usurper, and afterwards in that of 
an hereditary king ; the most memorable and salutary 
improvements in the laws, the most abandoned ad- 
ministration of them ; in fine, whatever can happen 
to a nation, whether of glorious or calamitous, makes 
a part of this astonishing and instructive picture. 

The commencement of this period is marked by 1640. 
exertions of the people, through their representa- 
tives in the House of Commons, not only justifiable in 
their principle, but directed to the properest objects, 
and in a manner the most judicious. Many of their 
leaders were greatly versed in ancient as well as 
modern learning, and were even enthusiastically 
attached to the great names of antiquity ; but they 
never conceived the wild project of assimilating the 
government of England to that of Athens, of Sparta, 
or of Rome. They were content with applying to 
the English constitution, and to the English laws, 
the spirit of liberty which had animated, and ren- 
dered illustrious, the ancient republicks. Their first Redress of 
object was to obtain redress of past grievances with^"^'^^""** 

c 



10 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER a proper regard to the individuals who had suffered ; 

' the next, to prevent the recurrence of such grievances, 

by the abolition of tyrannical tribunals acting upon 
arbitrary maxims in criminal proceedings, and most 
improperly denominated courts of justice. They 
then proceeded to establish that fundamental prin- 
ciple of all free government, the preserving of the 
purse to the people and their representatives. And 
though there may be more difference of opinion 
upon their proposed regulations in regard to the mi- 
litia, yet surely, when a contest was to be foreseen, 
they could not, consistently with prudence, leave 
the power of the sword altogether in the hands of 
an adverse party. 

Lord straf- The prosecution of Lord Strafford, or rather the 

ford's attain- . a • i • ' i •! ••r 

der. manner in which it was carried on, is less justin- 

able. He was doubtless a great delinquent, and well 
deserved the severest punishment ; but nothing short 
of a clearly proved case of self-defence can justify, 
or even excuse, a departure from the sacred rules of 
criminal justice. For it can rarely indeed happen, 
that the mischief to be apprehended from suffering 
any criminal, however guilty, to escape, can be 
equal to that resulting from the violation of those 
rules to which the innocent owe the security of alL 
that is dear to them. If such cases have existed. 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. H 

they must have been in instances where trial has chapter 

been wholly out of the question, as in that of Caesar, 

and other tyrants; but when a man is once in a 
situation to be tried, and his person in the power of 
his accusers and his judges, he can no longer be 
formidable in that degree which alone can justify, 
(if any thing can,) the violation of the substantial 
rules of criminal proceedings. 

At the breaking out of the civil war, so intempe- commence- 
rately denominated a rebellion by Lord Clarendon civii war. 
and other Tory writers, the material question appears 
to me to be, whether or not sufficient attempts were 
made by the Parliament and their leaders, to avoid 
bringing affairs to such a decision? That according 
to the general principles of morality, they had justice 
on their side, cannot fairly be doubted ; but did they 
sufficiently attend to that great dictum of Tully,* 
in questions of civil dissension, wherein he declares 
his preference of even an unfair peace to the most 
just war? Did they sufficiently weigh the dangers 
that might ensue even from victory ; dangers, in 
such cases, little less formidable to the cause of 
liberty than those which might follow a defeat? 
Did they consider that it is not peculiar to the fol- 
lowers of Pompey, and the civil wars of Rome, that 

* Iniquissimam pacem justissimo bello antefero. 



12 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER the event to be looked for is, as the same Tully 

'■ — describes it, in case of defeat, — proscription ; in 

Treatyofthe that of victory, — servitudc ? Is the failure of the 
negotiation when the King was in the Isle of Wight 
to be imputed to tlie suspicions justly entertained of 
his sincerity? or to the ambition of the parliamentary 
leaders? If the insincerity of the King was the real 
cause, ought not the mischief to be apprehended 
from his insincerity, rather to have been guarded 
against by treaty, than alledged as a pretence for 
breaking off the negotiation? Sad indeed will be 
the condition of the world, if we are never to make 
peace with an adverse party whose sincerity we 
have reason to suspect. Even just grounds for such 
suspicions will but too often occur, and when such 
fail, the proneness of man to impute evil qualities 
as well as evil designs to his enemies, will suggest 
false ones. In the present case, the suspicion of in- 
sincerity was, it is true, so just, as to amount to a 
moral certainty. The example of the Petition of 
Right was a satisfactory proof that the King made no 
point of adhering to concessions which he considered 
as extorted from him; and if a philosophical historian, 
writing above a century after the time, can deem the 
pretended hard usage Charles met with, as a suffi- 
cient excuse for his breaking his faith in the first 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 15 

instance, much more must that prince himself, with chapter 

all his prejudices, and notions of his divine right, 

have thought it justifiable to retract concessions, 
which to him, no doubt, appeared far more unrea- 
sonable than the Petition of Right, and which, with 
much more colour, he might consider as extorted. 
These considerations were probably the cause why 
the Parliament so long delayed their determination 
of accepting the King's offer as a basis for treaty ; 
but unfortunately, they had delayed so long, that 
when at last they adopted it, they found themselves 
without power to carry it into execution. The army 
having now ceased to be the servants, had become the 
masters of the Parliament, and being entirely influ- 
enced by Cromwell, gave a commencement to what 
may, properly speaking, be called a new reign. 
The subsequent measures, therefore, the execution of 
the King, as well as others, are not to be considered 
as acts of the Parliament, but of Cromwell ; and great 
and respectable as are the names of some who sat in 
the high court, they must be regarded, in this in- 
stance, rather as ministers of that usurper, than as 
acting from themselves. 

The execution of the King, though a far less vio- King's Exe. 
lent measure than that of Lord Strafford, is an event ''"*'""* 
of so singular a nature, that we cannot wonder that it 



14 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER should have excited more sensation than any other 

' in the annals of England. This exemplary act of 

substantial justice, as it has been called by some, of 
enormous wickedness by others, must be considered 
in two points of view. First, was it not in itself 
just and necessary? Secondly, was the example of 
it likely to be salutary or pernicious ? In regard to the 
first of these questions, Mr. Hume, not perhaps in- 
tentionally, makes the best justification of it, by say- 
ing, that while Charles lived, the projected republick 
could never be secure. But to justify taking away 
the life of an individual, upon the principle of self- 
defence, the danger must be not problematical and 
remote, but evident and immediate. The danger in 
this instance was not of such a nature ; and the im- 
prisonment, or even banishment, of Charles, might 
have given to the republick such a degree of security 
as any government ought to be content with. It 
must be confessed however on the other side, that if 
the republican government had suffered the King to 
escape, it would have been an act of justice and gene- 
rosity wholly unexampled ; and to have granted him 
even his life, would have been one among the more 
rare efforts of virtue. The short interval between 
the deposal and death of princes is become prover- 
bial; and though there may be some few examples on 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 15 

the other side, as far as life is concerned, I doubt chapter 

whether a single instance can be found, where liberty 

has been granted to a deposed monarch. Among the 
modes of destroying persons in such a situation, there 
can be little doubt but that adopted by Cromwell 
and his adherents is the least dishonourable. Edward 
the Second, Richard the Second, Henry the Sixth, 
Edward the Fifth, had none of them long survived 
their deposal ; but this was the first instance, in our 
history at least, where, of such an act, it could be truly 
said, that it was not done in a corner. 

As to the second question, whether the advantage 
to be derived from the example was such as to justify 
an act of such violence, it appears to me to be a 
complete solution of it to observe, that with respect 
to England, (and I know not upon what ground we 
are to set examples for other nations, or in other 
words, to take the criminal justice of the world into 
our hands,) it was wholly needless, and therefore 
unjustifiable, to set one for kings, at a time when it 
was intended the office of King should be abolished, 
and consequently, that no person should be in the 
situation to make it the rule of his conduct. Besides, 
the miseries attendant upon a deposed monarch, 
seem to be sufficient to deter any prince, who thinks 
of consequences, from running the risk of being 



16 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER placed in such a situation; or, if death be the only evil 

that can deter him, the fate of former tyrants deposed 

by their subjects, would by no means encourage 
him to hope he could avoid even that catastrophe. 
As far as w^e can judge from the event, the example 
was certainly not very effectual, since both the sons of 
Charles, though having their father's fate before their 
eyes, yet feared not to violate the liberties of the people 
even more than he had attempted to do. 

If we consider this question of example in a 
more extended view, and look to the general effect 
produced upon the minds of men, it cannot be 
doubted but the opportunity thus given to Charles, 
to display his firmness and piety, has created more 
respect for his memory than it could otherwise 
have obtained. Respect and pity for the sufferer on 
one hand, and hatred to his enemies on the other, 
soon produce favour and aversion to their respec- 
tive causes ; and thus, even though it should be 
admitted, (which is doubtful,) that some advantage 
may have been gained to the cause of liberty, by 
the terrour of the example operating upon the minds 
of princes, such advantage is far outweighed by 
the zeal which admiration for virtue, and pity for 
sufferings, the best passions of the human heart, 
have excited in favour of the royal cause. It has 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 17 

been thought dangerous to the morals of mankind, chapter 
even in fiction and romance, to make us sympathize _— 
with characters whose general conduct is blameable ; 
but how much greater must the effect be, when in 
real history our feelings are interested in favour of 
a monarch with whom, to say the least, his subjects 
were obliged to contend in arms for their liberty? 
After all, however, notwithstanding what the more 
reasonable part of mankind may think upon this 
question, it is much to be doubted whether this 
singular proceeding has not, as much as any other 
circumstance, served to raise the character of the 
English nation in the opinion of Europe in general. 
He who has read, and still more he who has heard 
in conversation, discussions upon this subject by sentiments of 

_ . . •11 '1 Foreigners on 

foreigners, must have perceived, tiiat, even in the the act. 
minds of those who condemn the act, the impression 
made by it has been far more that of respect and ad- 
miration, than that of disgust and horrour. The 
truth is, that the guilt of the action, that is to say, the 
taking away of the life of the King, is what most 
men in the place of Cromwell and his associates 
would have incurred ; what there is of splendour 
and of magnanimity in it, I me?in the publicity and 
solemnity of the act, is what few would be capable 
of displaying. It is a degrading fact to human 



18 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER nature, that even the sending away of the Duke of 
'- Gloucester was an instance of generosity almost 

unexampled in the history of transactions of this 

nature. 
Cromwell's From the execution of the King to the death of 

governmeut. ^ 

Cromwell, the government was, with some variation 
of forms, in substance monarchical and absolute, as a 
government established by a military force will almost 
invariably be, especially when the exertions of such 
a force are continued for any length of time. If to 
this general rule our own age, and a people whom 
their origin and near relation to us would almost 
warrant us to call our own nation, have afforded a 
splendid and perhaps a solitary exception, we must 
reflect not only, that a character of virtues so happily 
tempered by one another, and so wholly unalloyed 
with any vices, as that of Washington, is hardly 
to be found in the pages of history, but that even 
Washington himself might not have been able to 
act his most glorious of all parts, without the ex- 
istence of circumstances uncommonly favourable, 
and almost peculiar to the country which was to be 
the theatre of it. Virtue like his depends not in- 
deed upon time or place ; but although in no 
country or time would he have degraded himself 
into a Pisistratus, or a Caesar, or a Cromwell, he 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 19 

might have shared the fate of a Cato, or a De Witt; cha^pteu 

or, like Ludlow and Sidney, have mourned in exile 

the lost liberties of his country. 

With the life of the Protector almost immediately His charac- 

ter. 

ended the government which he had established. 
The great talents of this extraordinary person had 
supported, during his life, a system condemned 
equally by reason and by prejudice ; by reason, as 
wanting freedom ; by prejudice, as an usurpation ; 
and it must be confessed to be no mean testimony 
to his genius, that, notwithstanding the radical defects 
of such a system, the splendour of his character and 
exploits render the aera of the Protectorship one of 
the most brilliant in English history. It is true his 
conduct in foreign concerns, is set off to advantage, 
by a comparison of it with that of those who pre- 
ceded, and who followed him. If he made a mistake 
in espousing the French interest instead of the 
Spanish, we should recollect, that in examining this 
question we must divest our minds entirely of all 
the considerations which the subsequent relative 
state of those two empires suggest to us, before we 
can become impartial judges in it ; and at any rate, 
we must allow his reign, in regard to European 
concerns, to have been most glorious when contrasted 
with the pusillanimity of James the First, with the 



50 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER levity of Charles the First, and the mercenary mean- 

ness of the two last Princes of the House of Stuart. 

Upon the whole, the character of Cromwell must 
ever stand high in the list of those, who raised 
themselves to supreme power by the force of their 
genius ; and among such, even in respect of moral 
virtue, it would be found to be one of the least ex- 
ceptionable, if it had not been tainted with that most 
odious and degrading of all human vices, Hypocrisy. 
Indifference Thc short intcrval between Cromwell's death and 

respecting t t> • i -i • i • r 

forms of go- the Kcstoration, exhibits the picture or a nation 

vcrnment. • i • i i 

either so wearied with changes as not to feel, or so 
subdued by military power as not to dare to show, 
any care or even preference with regard to the form 
of their government. All was in the army; and that 
army, by such a concurrence of fortuitous circum- 
stances as history teaches us not to be surprised 
at, had fallen into the hands of one, than whom 
a baser could not be found in its lowest ranks. 
Character of Pcrsoual couragc appcars to have been Monk's only 
virtue: reserve and dissimulation made up the whole 
stock of his wisdom. But to this man did the nation 
lookup, ready to receive from his orders the form of 
government he should choose to prescribe. There 
is reason to believe, that, from the general bias of the 
Presbyterians, as well as of the Cavaliers, monarchy 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. ^l 

was the prevalent wish ; but it is observable that al- chapter 

though the Parliament was, contrary to the principle 

upon which it was pretended to be called, composed 
of many avowed royalists, yet none dared to hint at the 
restoration of the King, till they had Monk*s permis- 
sion, or rather command, to receive and consider his 
letters. It is impossible, in reviewing the whole of 
this transaction, not to remark that a general who had 
gained his rank, reputation, and station in the ser- 
vice of a republick, and of what he, as well as others, 
called, however falsely, the cause of liberty, made 
no scruple to lay the nation prostrate at the feet of 
a monarch, without a single provision in favour of 
that cause ; and if the promise of indemnity may 
seem to argue that there was some attention, at least, 
paid to the safety of his associates in arms, his 
subsequent conduct gives reason to suppose, that 
even this provision was owing to any other cause, 
rather than to any generous feeling of his breast. 
For he afterwards not only acquiesced in the insults 
so meanly put upon the illustrious corpse of Blake, 
under whose auspices and command he had per- 
formed the most creditable services of his life, but 
in the trial of Argyle, produced letters of friendship 
and confidence, to take away the life of a nobleman,* 
* Burnet. Baillie's Letters, II. 431. 



$e INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER the zeal and cordiality of whose co-operation with 

him, proved by such documents, was the chief 

ground of his execution ; thus gratuitously surpass- 
ing in infamy those miserable wretches who^ to save 
their own lives, are sometimes persuaded to impeach, 
and swear away, the lives of their accomplices. 
Restoration. Thc rcign of Charlcs the Second forms one of the 
most singular, as well as of the most important periods 
of history. It is the aera of good laws and bad go- 
vernment. The abolition of the Court of Wards, the 
repeal of the writ De Heretico Comburendo, the tri- 
ennial Parliament Bill, the establishment of the rights 
of the House of Commons in regard to impeachment, 
the expiration of the License Act, and above all, the 
glorious statute of Habeas Corpus, have therefore 
induced a modern writer of great eminence to fix 
the year 16 79 as the period at which our constitution 
had arrived at its greatest theoretical perfection ; but 
he owns, in a short note upon the passage alluded to, 
that the times immediately following were times of 
great practical oppression. What a field for meditation 
does this short observation, from such a man, furnish ? 
What reflections does it not suggest to a thinking mind, 
upon the inefficacy of human laws, and the imper- 
fection of human constitutions ! We are called from 
the contemplation of the progress of our constitution, 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 53 

and our attention fixed with the most minute accuracy chapter 
to a particular point, when it is said to have risen to — — 
its utmost perfection. Here we are then at the best 
moment of the best constitution that ever human 
wisdom framed. What follows ? A time of oppres- 
sion and misery, not arising from external or acci^ 
dental causes, such as war, pestilence, or famine, 
nor even from any such alteration of the laws as 
might be supposed to impair this boasted perfection, 
but from a corrupt and wicked administration, which 
all the so much admired checks of the constitution 
were not able to prevent. How vain then, how idle, 
how presumptuous, is the opinion, that laws can do 
every thing ! and how weak and pernicious the 
maxim founded upon it, that measures, not men, are 
to be attended to ! 

The first years of this reign, under the administra- Administra- 
tion of Southampton and Clarendon, form by far the ampL and 
least exceptionable part of it ; and even in this pe- 
riod, the executions of Argyle and Vane, and the 
whole conduct of the government with respect to 
church matters, both in England and in Scotland, were 
gross instances of tyranny. With respect to the ex- 
ecution of those who were accused of having been 
more immediately concerned in the King's death, 
that of Scrope, who had come in upon the proclama- 



24 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER tion, and of the military officers who had attended 

the trial, was a violation of every principle of law 

and justice. But the fate of the others, though highly 
dishonourable to Monk, whose whole power had 
arisen from his zeal in their service, and the favour 
and confidence with which they had rewarded him, 
and not perhaps very creditable to the nation, of 
which many had applauded, more had supported, 
and almost all had acquiesced in the act, is not cer- 
tainly to be imputed as a crime to the King, or to those 
of his advisers who were of the Cavalier party. The 
passion of revenge, though properly condemned 
both by philosophy and religion, yet when it is ex- 
cited by injurious treatment of persons justly dear to 
us, is among the most excusable of human frailties ; 
and if Charles, in his general conduct, had shown 
stronger feelings of gratitude for services performed 
to his father, his character, in the eyes of many, 
would be rather raised than lowered by this example 
of severity against the regicides. Clarendon is said 
to have been privy to the King's receiving money 
from Lewis the Fourteenth; but what proofs exist of 
this charge, (for a heavy charge it is,) I know not. 
Southampton was one of the very few of the royalist 
party who preserved any just regard for the liber- 
ties of the people, and the disgust which a person 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. ?5 

possessed of such sentiments must unavoidably feel, chapter 

is said to have determined him to quit the King's 

service, and to retire altogether from publick affairs. 
Whether he would have acted upon this determina- 
tion, his death, which happened in the year sixteen 
hundred and sixty-seven, prevents us now from 
ascertaining. 

After the fall of Clarendon, which soon followed. The King's 

misgovern- 

the King entered into that career of misgovernment, ment. 
which, that he was able to pursue it to its end, is a 
disgrace to the history of our country. If any thing 
can add to our disgust at the meanness with which 
he solicited a dependence upon Lewis the Fourteenth, 
it is the hypocritical pretence upon which he was con- 
tinually pressing that monarch. After having passed 
a law, making it penal to affirm, (what was true,) that 
he was a Papist, he pretended, (which was certainly 
not true,) to be a zealous and bigoted Papist; and the 
uneasiness of his conscience at so long delaying a 
publick avowal of his conversion , was more than once 
urged by him, as an argument to increase the pen- 
sion, and to accelerate the assistance he was to re- 
ceive from France.* In a later period of his reign, 
when his interest, as he thought, lay the other way, 
that he might at once continue to earn his wages, 

* Dalrymple's Memoirs, II. 33, kc. 
E 



56 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER and yet put off a publick conversion, he stated some 

' scruples, contracted, no doubt, by his affection to the 

Protestant churches, in relation to the Popish mode 
of giving the sacrament ; and pretended a wish, that 
the Pope might be induced by Lewis, to consider 
of some alterations in that respect, to enable him to 
reconcile himself to the Roman church with a clear 
and pure conscience/' 
Cabal. The ministry, known by the name of the Cabal, 

seems to have consisted of characters so unprincipled , 
as justly to deserve the severity with which they 
have been treated by all writers who have mentioned 
them; but if it is probable, that they were ready to 
betray their King, as well as their country, it is cer- 
tain that the King betrayed them; keeping from them 
the real state of his connection with France, and, 
from some of them, at least, the secret of what he 
was pleased to call his religion. Whether this con- 
cealment on his part, arose from his habitual trea- 
chery, and from the incapacity which men of that 
character feel, of being open and honest, even when 
they know it is their interest to be so; or from an 
apprehension that they might demand for themselves 
some share of the French money, which he was 
unwilling to give them, cannot now be determined. 

* Dalrymple's Memoirs, II. 84. 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 27 

Bat to the want of genuine and reciprocal confidence chapter 

between him and those ministers, is to be attributed, 

in a great measure, the escape which the nation at 
that time experienced ; an escape, however, which 
proved to be only a reprieve from that servitude to 
which they were afterwards reduced in the latter 
years of the reign. 

The first Dutch war had been undertaken against Dutch war. 
all maxims of policy, as well as of justice ; but the su- 
periour infamy of the second, aggravated by the disap- 
pointment of all the hopes entertained by good men, 
from the triple alliance, and by the treacherous attempt 
at piracy with which it was commenced, seems to 
have effaced the impression of it, not only from the 
minds of men living at the time, but from most of 
the writers who have treated of this reign. The 1672. 
principle, however, of both was the same, and ar- 
bitrary power at home was the object of both. The 
second Dutch war rendered the King's system and 
views so apparent to all who were not determined to 
shut their eyes against conviction, that it is difficult 
to conceive how persons, who had any real care or 
regard, either for the liberty or honour of the coun- 
try, could trust him afterwards. And yet even Sir 
William Temple, who appears to have been one of 
the most honest, as well as of the most enlightened, 



S8 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER statesmen of his time, could not believe his treachery 

— to be quite so deep, as it was in fact ; and seems 

occasionally to have hoped, that he was in earnest in 
his professed intentions of following the wise and just 
system that was recommended to him. Great in- 
stances of credulity and blindness in wise men are 
often liable to the suspicion of being pretended, for 
the purpose of justifying the continuing in situations 
of power and employment longer than strict honour 
would allow. But to Temple's sincerity his subse- 
quent conduct gives abundant testimony. When he 
had reason to think that his services could no longer 
be useful to his country, he withdrew wholly from 
publick business, and resolutely adhered to the pre- 
ference of philosophical retirement, which, in his 
circumstances, was just, in spite of every temptation 
which occurred to bring him back to the more active 
scene. The remainder of his life he seems to have 
employed in the most noble contemplations, and the 
most elegant amusements ; every enjoyment height- 
ened, no doubt, by reflecting on the honourable part 
he had acted in publick affairs, and without any regret 
on his own account, (whatever he might feel for his 
country,) at having been driven from them. 
De Witt. Besides the important consequences produced by 

this second Dutch war in England, it gave birth to two 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 29 

great events in Holland ; the one as favourable, as the chapter 

other was disastrous, to the cause of general liberty. 

The catastrophe of De Witt, the wisest, best, and 
most truly patriotick minister that ever appeared 
upon the publick stage, as it was an act of the most 
crying injustice and ingratitude, so likewise is it the 
most completely discouraging example, that history 
affords to the lovers of liberty. If Aristides was 
banished, he was also recalled: if Dion was repaid 
for his services to the Syracusans by ingratitude, 
that ingratitude was more than once repented of: if 
Sidney and Russel died upon the scaffold, they had not 
the cruel mortification of falling by the hands of the 
people: ample justice was done to their memory, 
and the very sound of their names is still animating 
to every Englishman attached to their glorious cause. 
But with De Witt fell also his cause and his party; 
and although a name so respected by all who revere 
virtue and wisdom, when employed in their noblest 
sphere, the political service of the publick, must un- 
doubtedly be doubly dear to his countrymen, yet I do 
not know that, even to this day, any publick honours 
have been paid by them to his memory. 

On the other hand, the circumstances attending prince of 
the first appearance of the Prince of Orange in pub- "^^""^ 
lick affairs, were in every respect most fortunate for 



30 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER himself, for England, for Europe. Of an age to re- 

ceive the strongest impressions, and of a character 

to render such impressions durable, he entered the 
world in a moment when the calamitous situation of 
the United Provinces, could not but excite, in every 
Dutchman, the strongest detestation of the insolent 
ambition of Lewis the Fourteenth, and the greatest 
contempt of an English government, which could 
so far mistake, or betray, the interests of the country, 
as to lend itself to his projects. Accordingly, the 
circumstances attending his outset seem to have 
given a lasting bias to his character; and through 
the whole course of his life, the prevailing sentiments 
of his mind seem to have been those which he im- 
bibed at this early period. These sentiments were 
most peculiarly adapted to the positions in which 
this great man was destined to be placed. The light 
in which he viewed Lewis rendered him the fittest 
champion of the independence of Europe ; and in 
England, French influence and arbitrary power were 
in those times so intimately connected, that he who 
had not only seen with disapprobation, but had so sen- 
sibly felt, the baneful effects of Charles's connection 
with France, seemed eduated,as it were, to^be the de- 
fender of English liberty. This prince's struggles in 
defence of his country, his success in rescuing it from 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 31 

a situation to all appearance so desperate, and the chapter 

consequent failure and mortification of Lewis the — 

Fourteenth, form a scene in history upon which the 
mind dwells with unceasing delight. One never 
can read Lewis's famous Declaration against the Hol- 
landers, knowing the event which is to follow, 
without feeling the heart dilate with exultation, and a 
kind of triumphant contempt, which, though not 
quite consonant to the principles of pure philosophy, 
never fails to give the mind inexpressible satisfaction. 
Did the relation of such events form the sole, or even 
any considerable part of the historian's task, pleasant 
indeed would be his labours ; but, though far less 
agreeable, it is not a less useful or necessary part of 
his business, to relate the triumphs of successful 
wickedness, and the oppression of truth, justice, and 
liberty. 

The interval from the separate peace between The conduct 

TT'lliiTT'lTi' r ^^^ designs 

Lngland and the United Provinces, to the peace of ofcharies. 
Nimeguen, was chiefly employed by Charles in i^zs. 
attempts to obtain money from France and other 
foreign powers, in which he was sometimes more, 
sometimes less successful; and in various false pro- 
fessions, promises, and other devices to deceive his 
parliament and his people, in which he uniformly 
failed. Though neither the nature and extent of his 



35 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 



CHAPTER connection with France, nor his design of intro- 

'■ ducing Popery into England, were known at that 

time, as they now are, yet there were not wanting 
many indications of the King's disposition, and of the 
general tendency of his designs. Reasonable persons 
apprehended that the supplies asked were intended 
to be used, not for the specious purpose of main- 
taining the balance of Europe, but for that of sub- 
duing the parliament and people who should give 
Disposition them ; and the great antipathy of the bulk of the 

of the Nation • n 

nation to Popery caused many to be both more clear- 
sighted in discovering, and more resolute in resist- 
ing, the designs of the court, than they would pro- 
bably have shown themselves, if civil liberty alone 
had been concerned. 
Popish Plot. When the minds of men were in the disposition 
which such a state of things was naturally calculated 
to produce, it is not to be wondered at, that a ready, 
and perhaps a too facile, belief should have been 
accorded to the rumour of a Popish plot. But with 
the largest possible allowance for the just apprehen- 
sions which were entertained, and the consequent 
irritation of the country, it is wholly inconceivable 
how such a plot as that brought forward by Tongue 
and Oates could obtain any general belief. Nor can 
&ny stretch of candour make us admit it to be probable, 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 33 

that all who pretended a belief of it did seriously en- chapter 

tertain it. On the other hand, it seems an absurdity, 

equal almost in degree to the belief of the plot itself, 
to suppose that it was a story fabricated by the Earl 
of Shaftesbury, and the other leaders of the Whig 
party ; and it would be highly unjust, as well as un- 
charitable, not to admit, that the generality of those 
who were engaged in the prosecution of it were 
probably sincere in their belief of it, since it is un- 
questionable that at the time very many persons, 
whose political prejudices were of a quite different 
complexion, were under the same delusion. The The belief of 

the plot uiii- 

unanimous votes of the two Houses of Parliament, versai. 
and the names, as well as the number, of those who 
pronounced Lord Stafford to be guilty, seem to put 
this beyond a doubt. Dryden, writing soon after 
the time, says, in his Absalom and Achitophel, that 
the plot was 

" Bad in itself, but represented worse:" 

that 

*' Some truth there was, but dash'd and brew'd with lies :" 

and that 

" Succeeding times did equal folly call 
" Believing nothing, or believing all." 

and Dryden will not, by those who are conversant 
in the history and works of that immortal writer, 



34 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER be suspected either of party prejudice in favour of 
Shaftesbury and the Whigs, or of any view to pre- 
judice the country against the Duke of York's suc- 
cession to the crown. The King repeatedly declared 
his belief of it. These declarations, if sincere, 
would have some weight ; but if insincere, as may 
be reasonably suspected, they afford a still stronger 
testimony to prove that such belief was not exclu- 
sively a party opinion, since it cannot be supposed, 
that even the crooked politicks of Charles could 
have led him to countenance fictions of his ene- 
mies, which were not adopted by his own party. 
Wherefore, if this question were to be decided 
upon the ground of authority, the reality of the 
plot would be admitted ; and it must be confessed, 
that, with regard to facts remote, in respect either 
of time or place, wise men generally diffide in 
their own judgment, and defer to that of those who 
have had a nearer view of them. But there are cases 
itsabsurdity. where reason speaks so plainly as to make all argu- 
ment drawn from authority of no avail, and this is 
surely one of them. Not to mention correspondence 
by post on the subject of regicide, detailed commis- 
sions from the Pope, silver bullets, kc. &c. and 
other circumstances equally ridiculous, we need 
only advert to the part attributed to the Spanish 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 55 

government in this conspiracy, and to the alledged chapter 

intention of murdering the King, to satisfy ourselves 

that it was a forgery. 

Rapin, who argues the whole of this affair with Disingenuous 

justification 

a degree of weakness as well as disingenuity very of it. 
unusual to him, seems at last to offer us a kind of 
compromise, and to be satisfied if we will admit 
that there was a design or project to introduce 
Popery and arbitrary power, at the head of which 
were the King and his brother. Of this I am as 
much convinced as he can be ; but how does this 
justify the prosecution and execution of those who 
suffered, since few, if any of them, were in a situa- 
tion to be trusted by the royal conspirators with 
their designs? When he says therefore, that, that 
is precisely what was understood by the conspi- 
racy, he by no means justifies those who were the 
principal prosecutors of the plot. The design to 
murder the King, he calls the appendage of the plot: 
a strange expression this, to describe the pro- 
jected murder of a king! though not more strange 
than the notion itself when applied to a plot, the ob- 
ject of which was to render that very king absolute, 
and to introduce the religion which he'most favoured. 
But it is to be observed, that though in considering 
the Bill of Exclusion, the Militia Bill, and other 



36 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER legislative proceedings, the plot, as he defines it, 

that is to say, the design of introducing Popery 

and arbitrary power, was the important point to be 
looked to ; yet in courts of justice, and for juries 
and judges, that which he calls the appendage was, 
generally speaking, the sole consideration. 
Theproceed- Althouffh therefore, upon a review of this trulv 

ings on it dis- o a / 

fhenttiV" shocking transaction, we may be fairly justified in 
adopting the milder alternative, and in imputing 
to the greater part of those concerned in it, rather 
an extraordinary degree of blind credulity, than 
the deliberate wickedness of planning and assisting 
in the perpetration of legal murders ; yet the pro- 
ceedings on the Popish plot must always be consi- 
dered as an indelible disgrace upon the English 
nation, in which King, Parliament, judges, juries, 
witnesses, prosecutors, have all their respective, 
though certainly not equal, shares. Witnesses, of 
such a character as not to deserve credit in the 
most trifling cause, upon the most immaterial facts, 
gave evidence so incredible, or, to speak more 
properly, so impossible to be true, that it ought 
not to have been believed if it had come from the 
mouth of Cato ; and upon such evidence, from 
such witnesses, were innocent men condemned to 
death and executed. Prosecutors, whether attornies 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 57 

and solicitors-general, or managers of impeach- chapter 



ment, acted with the fury which in such circum- '■ — 

stances might be expected ; juries partook natural- 
ly enough of the national ferment ; and judges, 
whose duty it was to guard them against such im- 
pressions, were scandalously active in confirming 
them in their prejudices, and inflaming their pas- 
sions. The King, who is supposed to have dis- 
believed the whole of the plot, never once exercised 
his glorious prerogative of mercy. It is said he 
dared not. His throne, perhaps his life, was at 
stake ; and history does not furnish us with the ex- 
ample of any monarch with whom the lives of 
innocent, or even meritorious, subjects ever ap- 
peared to be of much weight, when put in balance 
against such considerations. 

The measures of the prevailing party in the Habeas 
House of Commons, in these times, appear, (with 1675. * 
the exception of their dreadful proceedings in 
the business of the pretended plot, and of their 
violence towards those who petitioned and ad- 
dressed against Parliament,) to have been, in ge- 
neral, highly laudable and meritorious ; and yet 
I am afraid it may be justly suspected, that it was 
precisely to; that part of their conduct which related 
to the plot, and.which is most reprehensible, that 



58 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER they were indebted for their power to make the 

— noble, and, and in some instances successful, struggles 

for liberty, which do so much honour to their me- 
mory. The danger to be apprehended from military 
force, being always, in the view of wise men, the 
most urgent, they first voted the disbanding of the 
army, and the two Houses passed a bill for that 
purpose, to which the King found himself obliged 
to consent. But to the bill which followed, for 
establishing the regular assembling of the militia, 
and for providing for their being in arms six weeks 
in the year, he opposed his royal negative; thus 
making his stand upon the same point on which his 
father had done ; a circumstance which, if events had 
taken a turn against him, would not have failed of 
being much noticed by historians. Civil securities 
for freedom came to be afterwards considered ; and 
it is to be remarked, that to these times of heat and 
passion, and to one of those parliaments, which so dis- 
graced themselves and the nation, by the countenance 
given to Gates and Bedloe, and by the persecution 
of so many innocent victims, we are indebted for 
the Habeas Corpus Act, the most important barrier 
against tyranny, and best framed protection for the 
liberty of individuals, that has ever existed in any 
ancient or modern commonwealth. 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 39 

But the inefficacy of mere laws in favour of chapter 
the subjects, in the case of the administration of 

1 •! Exclusion 

them falling into the hands of persons hostile Biii. 
to the spirit in which they had been provided, 
had been so fatally evinced by the general his- 
tory of England, ever since the grant of the 
Great Charter, and more especially by the trans- 
actions of the preceding reign, that the Parliament 
justly deemed their work incomplete, unless the 
Duke of York were excluded from the succession to 
the crown. A bill, therefore, for the purpose of 
excluding that Prince, was prepared, and passed 
the House of Commons ; but being vigorously 
resisted by the court, by the church, and by the 
Tories, was lost in the House of Lords. The re- 
strictions offered by the King to be put upon a 
Popish successour are supposed to have been among 
the most powerful of those means to which he was 
indebted for his success. 

The dispute was no longer, whether or not the observations 
dangers resulting from James s succession were real, 
and such as ought to be guarded against by parliamen- 
tary provisions ; but whether the exclusion, or re- 
strictions, furnished the most safe, and eligible mode 
of compassing the object which both sides pretended 
to have in view. The argument upon this state of 



40 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 



I. 



CHAPTER the question is clearly, forcibly, and, I think, con- 
vincingly, stated by Rapin, who exposes very ably 
the extreme folly of trusting to measures, without 
consideration of the men who are to execute them. 
Even in Hume's statement of the question, what- 
ever may have been his intention, the arguments in 
favour of the exclusion appear to me greatly to pre- 
ponderate. Indeed it is not easy to conceive upon 
what principles even the Tories could justify their 
support of the restrictions. Many among them, no 
doubt, saw the provisions in the same light in which 
the Whigs represented them, as an expedient, admi- 
rably indeed adapted to the real object of upholding 
the present King's power, by the defeat of the ex- 
clusion, but never likely to take effect for their 
pretended purpose of controuling that of his suc- 
cessour ; and supported them for that very reason. 
But such a principle of conduct was too fraudulent 
to be avowed ; nor ought it perhaps, in candour, to 
be imputed to the majority of the party. To those 
who acted with good faith, and meant that the re- 
strictions should really take place, and be effectual, 
surely it ought to have occurred, (and to those who 
most prized the prerogatives of the crown, it ought 
most forcibly to have occurred,) that in consenting 
to curtail the powers of the crown, rather than to 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 41 

alter the succession, they were adopting the greater, chapter 

in order to avoid the lesser evil. The question of, 

what are to be the powers of the crown, is surely 
of superiour importance to that of, who shall wear 
it? Those, at least, who consider the royal prero- 
gative as vested in the King, not for his sake, but 
for that of his subjects, must consider the one of these 
questions as much above the other in dignity, as the 
rights of the public are more valuable than those of 
an individual. In this view the prerogatives of the 
crown are in substance and effect the rights of the 
people ; and these rights of the people were not to 
be sacrificed to the purpose of preserving the suc- 
cession to the most favoured prince, much less to 
one who, on account of his religious persuasion, 
was justly feared and suspected. In truth, the ques- 
tion between the exclusion and restrictions seems 
peculiarly calculated to ascertain the different views 
in which the different parties in this country have 
seen, and perhaps ever will see, the prerogatives of 
the crown. The Whigs, who consider them as a 
trust for the people, a doctrine which the Tories 
themselves, when pushed in argument, will some- 
times admit, naturally think it their duty rather to 
change the manager of the trust, than to impair the 
subject of it; while others, who consider them as 



43 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER the right or property of the King, will as naturally 
act as they would do in the case of any other pro- 
perty, and consent to the loss or annihilation of any 
part of it, for the purpose of preserving the remain- 
der to him, whom they style the rightful owner. If 
the people be the sovereign, and the King the dele- 
gate, it is better to change the bailiff than to injure 
the farm ; but if the King be the proprietor, it is 
better the farm should be impaired, nay, part of it 
destroyed, than that the whole should pass over 
to an usurper. The royal prerogative ought, ac- 
cording to the Whigs, (not in the case of a Popish 
successour only, but in all cases,) to be reduced to 
such powers as are in their exercise beneficial to the 
people ; and of the benefit of these they will not 
rashly suffer the people to be deprived, whether the 
executive power be in the hands of an hereditary, 
or of an elected king; of a regent, or of any other 
denomination of magistrate ; while on the other 
hand, they who consider prerogative with refer- 
ence only to royalty, will, with equal readiness, 
consent either to the extension or the suspension of 
its exercise, as the occasional interests of the prince 
may seem to require. The senseless plea of a divine 
and indefesible right in James, which even the 
legislature was incompetent to set aside, though as 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 43 

inconsistent with the declarations of Parliament in chapter 

the Statute Book, and with the whole practice of the 

English Constitution, as it is repugnant to nature 
and common sense, was yet warmly insisted upon 
by the high-church party. Such an argument, as 
might naturally be expected, operated rather to 
provoke the Whigs to perseverance, than to dissuade 
them from their measure: it was, in their eyes, an 
additional merit belonging to the Exclusion Bill, 
that it strengthened, by one instance more, the au- 
thority of former statutes, in reprobating a doctrine 
which seems to imply, that man can have a property 
in his fellow-creatures. By far the best argument 
in favour of the restrictions, is the practical one, that 
they could be obtained, and that the exclusion 
could not; but the value of this argument is chiefly 
proved by the event. The Exclusionists had a fair 
prospect of success, and their plan being clearly the 
best, they were justified in pursuing it. 

The spirit of resistance which the King showed 
in the instance of the Militia and the Exclusion 
Bills, seems to have been systematically confined to 
those cases where he supposed his power to be more 
immediately concerned. In the prosecution of the Prosecution 
aged and innocent Lord Stafford, he was so far from 
interfering in behalf of that nobleman, that many of 



44 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 



I. 



CHAPTER those most in his confidence, and, as it is affirmed, 
the Duchess of Portsmouth herself, openly favoured 
the prosecution. Even after the dissolution of his 
last Parliament, when he had so far subdued his 
enemies as to be no longer under any apprehensions 
from them, he did not think it vs^orth vs^hile to save the 
life of Plunket, the Popish Archbishop of Armagh, 
of whose innocence no doubt could be entertained. 
But this is not to be wondered at, since, in all trans- 
actions relative to the Popish Plot, minds of a very 
different cast from Charles's became, as by some fata- 
lity, divested of all their wonted sentiments of justice 
and humanity. Who can read without horrour, the 
account of that savage murmur of applause, which 
broke out upon one of the villains at the bar, swear- 
ing positively to Stafford's having proposed the 
murder of the King ? And how is this horrour 
deepened, when we reflect, that in that odious cry 
were probably mingled the voices of men to whose 
memory every lover of the English constitution is 
bound to pay the tribute of gratitude and respect ! 
Even after condemnation, Lord Russel himself, 
whose character is wholly (this instance excepted) 
free from the stain of rancour or cruelty, stickled 
for the severer mode of executing the sentence, in a 
manner which his fear of the King's establishing 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 45 

a precedent of pardoning in cases of impeachment, chapter 

(for this, no doubt, was his motive,) cannot satisfac — 

torily excuse. 

In an early period of the King's difficulties. Sir Templets ad- 
William Temple, whose life and character is a re- 
futation of the vulgar notion that philosophy and 
practical good sense in business are incompatible 
attainments, recommended to him the plan of go- 
verning by a council, which was to consist in great 
part of the most popular noblemen and gentlemen 
in the kingdom. Such persons being the natural, 
as well as the safest, mediators between princes 
and discontented subjects, this seems to have been 
the best possible expedient. Hume says it was 
found too feeble a remedy ; but he does not take 
notice that it was never in fact tried, inasmuch as, 
not only the King's confidence was withheld from 
the most considerable members of the council, but 
even the most important determinations were 
taken without consulting the council itself. Nor can 
there be a doubt but the King's views, in adopting 
Temple's advice, were totally different from those of 
the adviser, whose only errour in this transaction 
seems to have consisted in recommending a plan, 
wherein confidence and fair dealing were of neces- 
sity to be principal ingredients, to a prince whom 



46 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER he well knew to be incapable of either. Accord- 

i^^g^X' having appointed the council in April, with 

a promise of being governed in important matters 
by their advice, he in July dissolved one Parlia- 
ment without their concurrence, and in October, 
forbade them even to give their opinions upon the 
propriety of a resolution which he had taken of 
proroguing another. From that time he probably 
considered the council to be, as it was, virtually 
dissolved ; and it was not long before means pre- 
sented themselves to him, better adapted, in his 
estimation, even to his immediate objects, and cer- 
tainly more suitable to his general designs. The 
union between the court and the church party, 
which had been so closely cemented by their success- 
ful resistance to the Exclusion Bill, and its authors, 
had at length acquired such a degree of strength and 
consistency, that the King ventured first to appoint 
Oxford, instead of London, for the meeting of Par- 
liament ; and then, having secured to himself a good 
Dissolution pension from France, to dissolve the Parliament 
the Second's thcrc met, with a full resolution never to call 

last Parlia- . • j j T ■ 1 J 

ment. auother ; to which resolution, indeed, Lewis had 
bound him, as one of the conditions on which he 
was to receive his stipend.'^ No measure was ever 

* Dairymple's Memoir?. 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 47 

attended with more complete success. The most chapter 

flattering addresses poured in from all parts of the 

kingdom; divine right, and indiscriminate obedi- 
ence, were every where the favourite doctrines ; and 
men seemed to vie with each other who should have 
the honour of the greatest share in the glorious work 
of slavery, by securing to the King, for the present, 
and, after him, to the Duke, absolute and uncontroul- 
able power. They, who, either because Charles had 
been called a forgiving prince by his flatterers, (upon 
what ground I could never discover,) or from some 
supposed connection between indolence and good 
nature, had deceived themselves into a hope, that his 
tyranny would be of the milder sort, found themselves 
much disappointed in their expectations. 

The whole history of the remaining part of his his power 

. ^"^ tyranny. 

reign exhibits an uninterrupted series of attacks 
upon the liberty, property, and lives of his subjects. 
The character of the government appeared first, and 
with the most marked and prominent features, in 
Scotland. The condemnation of Argyle and Weir, in Scotland. 
the one for having subjoined an explanation when 
he took the test oath, the other for having kept 
company with a rebel, whom it was not proved he 
knew to be such, and who had never been pro- 
claimed, resemble more the acts of Tiberius and 



48 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER Domitian, than those of even the most arbitrary 

, --- modern governments. It is true, the sentences were 

not executed ; Weir was reprieved ; and whether 
or not Argyle, if he had not deemed it more prudent 
to escape by flight, would have experienced the 
same clemency, cannot now be ascertained. The 
terrour of these examples would have been, in the 
judgment of most men, abundantly sufficient to 
teach the people of Scotland their duty, and to 
satisfy them that their lives, as well as every thing 
else they had been used to call their own, were now 
completely in the power of their masters. But the 
government did not stop here, and having out- 
lawed thousands, upon the same pretence upon 
which Weir had been condemned, inflicted capital 
punishment upon such criminals of both sexes as 
refused to answer, or answered otherwise than was 
prescribed to them, to the most ensnaring questions. 
In England. In England, the City of London seemed to hold 
out for a certain time, like a strong fortress in a 
conquered country ; and, by means of this citadel, 
Shaftesbury and others were saved from the ven- 
geance of the court. But this resistance, however 
honourable to the corporation who made it, could 
not be of long duration. The weapons of law and 
justice were found feeble, when opposed to the 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 49 

power of a monarch, who was at the head of a chapter 

numerous and bigoted party of the nation, and who, 

which was most material of all, had enabled him- 
self to govern without a Parliament. Civil resist- 
ance in this country, even to the most illegal attacks 
of royal tyrannj, has never, I believe, been suc- 
cessful, unless when supported by Parliament, or at 
least by a great party in one or other of the two 
Houses. The Court, having wrested from the Livery 
of London, partly by corruption, and partly by 
violence, the free election of their mayor and 
sheriffs, did not wait the accomplishment of their 
plan for the destruction of the whole corporation, 
which, from their first success, they justly deemed 
certain ; but immediately proceeded to put in ex- 
ecution their system of oppression. Pilkington, Exorbitant 
Colt, and Oates were fined a hundred thousand 
pounds each for having spoken disrespectfully of 
the Duke of York ; Barnardiston ten thousand, for 
having in a private letter expressed sentiments 
deemed improper ; and Sidney, Russel, and Arm- 
strong, found that the just and mild principles 
which characterise the criminal law of England 
could no longer protect their lives, when the sacri- 
fice was called for by the policy or vengeance of the 
King. To give an account of all the oppression of 

H 



50 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER this period, would be to enumerate every arrest, 
— i — every trial, every sentence, that took place in ques- 
tions between the crown and the subjects. 
Rye-house Qf thc Rye-housc plot it may be said, much more 
1683. truly than of the Popish, that there was in it some 
truth, mixed with much falsehood ; and though 
many of the circumstances in Kealing's account are 
nearly as absurd and ridiculous as those in Oates's, 
it seems probable that there was among some of 
those accused, a notion of assassinating the King ; 
but whether this notion was ever ripened into 
what may be called a design, and, much more, 
whether it were ever evinced by such an overt act, 
as the law requires for conviction, is very doubtful. 
In regard to the conspirators of higher ranks, from 
whom all suspicion of participation in the intended 
assassination has been long since done away, there 
is unquestionably reason to believe that they had 
often met and consulted, as well for the purpose 
of ascertaining the means they actually possessed 
as for that of devising others, for delivering their 
country from the dreadful servitude into which it 
had fallen ; and thus far their conduct appears 
clearly to have been laudable. If they went fur- 
ther, and did any thing which could be fairly 
construed into an actual conspiracy, to levy war 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 51 

against the King, they acted, considering the dispo- chapter 
sition of the nation at that period, very indiscreetly. ' 
But whether their proceedings had ever gone this 
length, is far from certain. Monmouth's communi- 
cations with the King, when we reflect upon all the 
circumstances of those communications, deserve not 
the smallest attention ; nor indeed, if they did, 
does the letter which he afterwards withdrew, prove 
any thing upon this point. And it is an outrage to 
common sense to call Lord Grey's narrative, written, 
as he himself states in his letter to James the Second, 
while the question of his pardon was pending, an 
authentick account. That which is most certain in 
this affair is, that they had committed no overt act, 
indicating the imagining of the King's death, even ac- 
cording to the most strained construction of the 
statute of Edward the Third ; much less was any 
such act legally proved against them. And the con- 
spiring to levy war was not treason, except by a Execution of 
recent statute of Charles the Second, the prosecutions 
upon which were expressly limited to a certain time, 
which in these cases had elapsed ; so that it is im- 
possible not to assent to the opinion of those who 
have ever stigmatized the condemnation and execu- 
tion of Russel as a most flagrant violation of law and 
justice. 



Russel. 



5^ INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER The proceedings in Sidney's case were still more 

^' detestable. The production of papers, containing 

Trial and spcculative ooinions upon government and liberty, 

Execution of *^ , ^ TO / » 

Sidney. writtcu loug before, and perhaps never even in- 
tended to be published, together w^ith the use made 
of those papers, in considering them as a substitute 
for the second witness to the overt act, exhibited 
such a compound of wickedness and nonsense as is 
hardly to be paralleled in the history of juridical 
tyranny. But the validity of pretences was little at- 
tended to, at that time, in the case of a person whom 
the court had devoted to destruction, and upon 
evidence such as has been stated, w^as this great and 
excellent man condemned to die. Pardon was not to 
be expected. Mr. Hume says, that such an inter- 
ference on the part of the King, though it might 
have been an act of heroick generosity, could not be 
regarded as an indispensable duty. He might have 
said, with more propriety, that it was idle to expect 
that the government, after having incurred so much 
guilt in order to obtain the sentence, should, by re- 
mitting it, relinquish the object, just when it was 
within its grasp. The same historian considers the 
jury as highly blameable, and so do I ; but what was 
their guilt, in comparison of that of the court who 
tried, and of the government who prosecuted, in this 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 53 

infamous cause ? Yet the jury, being the only party chapter 
that can with any colour be stated as acting inde- ' 
pendently of the government, is the only one men- 
tioned by him as blameable. The prosecutor is 
wholly omitted in his censure, and so is the court ; 
this last, not from any tenderness for the judge, (who, 
to do this author justice, is no favourite with him,) 
but lest the odious connection between that branch 
of the judicature and the government should strike 
the reader too forcibly ; for JeflFeries, in this in- 
stance, ought to be regarded as the mere tool and 
instrument, (a fit one, no doubt,) of the prince who 
had appointed him for the purpose of this and similar 
services. Lastly, the King is gravely introduced on 
the question of pardon, as if he had had no prior con- 
cern in the cause, and were now to decide upon the 
propriety of extending mercy to a criminal condemned 
by a court of judicature ; nor are we once reminded 
what that judicature was, by whom appointed, by 
whom influenced, by whom called upon, to receive 
that detestable evidence, the very recollection of 
which, even at this distance of time, fires every 
honest heart with indignation. As well might we 
palliate the murders of Tiberius, who seldom put 
to death his victims without a previous decree of 
his senate. The moral of all this seems to be, that 



54 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER whenever a prince can, by intimidation, corruption, 
' illegal evidence, or other such means, obtain a 
verdict against a subject whom he dislikes, he may 
cause him to be executed without any breach of in- 
dispensable duty ; nay, that it is an act of heroick 
generosity, if he spares him. I never reflect on Mr. 
Hume's statement of this matter but with the deepest 
regret. Widely as I differ from him upon many 
other occasions, this appears to me to be the most 
reprehensible passage of his whole work. A spirit 
of adulation towards deceased princes, though in a 
good measure free from the imputation of interested 
meanness, which is justly attached to flattery, when 
applied to living monarchs ; yet, as it is less intel- 
ligible, with respect to its motives, than the other, 
so is it in its consequences, still more pernicious to 
the general interests of mankind. Fear of censure 
from contemporaries will seldom have much eflfect 
upon men in situations of unlimited authority : they 
will too often flatter themselves, that the same power 
which enables them to commit the crime, will 
secure them from reproach. The dread of posthu- 
mous infamy, therefore, being the only restraint, 
their consciences excepted, upon the passions of 
such persons, it is lamentable that this last defence, 
{feeble enough at best,) should in any degree be 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 55 

impaired ; and impaired it must be, if not totally de- chapter 

stroyed, when tyrants can hope to find in a man like 

Hume, no less eminent for the integrity and bene- 
volence of his heart, than for the depth and sound- 
ness of his understanding, an apologist for even their 
foulest murders. 

Thus fell Russel and Sidney, two names that 
will, it is hoped, be for ever dear to every English 
heart. When their memory shall cease to be an ob- 
ject of respect and veneration, it requires no spirit 
of prophecy to foretell that English liberty will be 
fast approaching to its final consummation. Their 
deportment was such as might be expected from men 
who knew themselves to be suffering, not for their 
crimes, but for their virtues. In courage they were 
equal, but the fortitude of Russel, who was connected 
with the world by private and domestic ties, which 
Sidney had not, was put to the severer trial ; and 
the story of the last days of this excellent man's life, 
fills the mind with such a mixture of tenderness 
and admiration, that I know not any scene in his- 
tory that more powerfully excites our sympathy, or 
goes more directly to the heart. 

The very day on which Russel was executed, Oxford De- 
the University of Oxford passed their famous Decree, 
condemning formally, as impious and heretical 



56 INTHODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER propositions, everyprinciple upon which the consti- 

' tution of this or any other free country can maintain 

itself. Nor was this learned body satisfied with 
stigmatizing such principles as contrary to the Holy 
Scriptures, to the decrees of Councils, to the writings 
of the Fathers, to the faith and profession of the 
primitive church, as destructive of the kingly go- 
vernment, the safety of his Majesty's person, the 
publick peace, the laws of nature, and bounds of 
human society ; but after enumerating the several 
obnoxious propositions, among which was one de- 
claring all civil authority derived from the people ; 
another, asserting a mutual contract, tacit or express, 
between the King and his subjects; a third, main- 
taining the lawfulness of changing the succession to 
the crown ; with many others of a like nature, they 
solemnly decreed all and every of those propositions 
to be not only false and seditious, but impious, and 
that the books which contained them were fitted to 
lead to rebellion, murder of princes, and atheism 
itself. Such are the absurdities which men are not 
ashaaied to utter in order to cast odious imputations 
upon their adversaries ; and such the manner in 
which churchmen will abuse, when it suits their 
policy, the holy name of that religion whose first 
precept is to love one another, for the purpose of 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 5 7 

teaching us to hate our neighbours witli more than chapter 

ordinary rancour. If Much ado about Nothing had 

been published in those days, the town-clerk's decla- 
ration, that receiving a thousand ducats for accusing 
the Lady Hero wrongfully, was flat burglary, might 
be supposed to be a satire upon this decree ; yet 
Shakespeare, well as he knew human nature, not 
only as to its general course, but in all its eccentrick 
deviations, could never dream, that, in the persons of 
Dogberry, Verges, and their followers, he was re- 
presenting the vice-chancellors and doctors of our 
learned University. 

Among the oppressions of this period, most of Mr. Locke's 
which were attended with consequences so much from Oxford. 
more important to the several objects of persecution, 
it may seem scarcely worth while to notice the ex- 
pulsion of John Locke from Christ Church College, 
Oxford. But besides the interest which every incident 
in the life of a person so deservedly eminent, natu- 
rally excites, there appears to have been something 
in the transaction itself characteristick of the spirit 
of the times, as well as of the general nature of ab- 
solute power. Mr. Locke was known to have been 
intimately connected with Lord Shaftesbury, and 
had very prudently judged it advisable for him, 
to prolong for some time his residence upon the 



58 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER Continent, to which he had resorted originally on 

'. — account of his health. A suspicion, as it has been 

since proved, unfounded, that he was the author of 
a pamphlet which gave offence to the government, 
induced the King to insist upon his removal from 
his studentship at Christ Church. Sunderland writes, 
by the King's command, to Dr. Fell, Bishop of Ox- 
ford, and Dean of Christ Church. The reverend pre- 
late answers, that he has long had an eye upon Mr. 
Locke's behaviour ; but though frequent attempts had 
been made, (attempts of which the Bishop expresses 
no disapprobation,) to draw him into imprudent con- 
versation, by attacking, in his company, the reputa- 
tion, and insulting the memory, of his late patron 
and friend, and thus to make his gratitude, and all 
the best feelings of his heart, instrumental to his 
ruin, these attempts all proved unsuccessful. Hence 
the Bishop infers, not the innocence of Mr. Locke, 
but that he was a great master of concealment, both 
as to words and looks; for looks, it is to be supposed, 
would have furnished a pretext for his expulsion, 
more decent than any which had yet been disco- 
vered. An expedient is then suggested, to drive 
Mr. Locke to a dilemma, by summoning him to at- 
tend the College on the first of January ensuing. If 
he do not appear, he shall be expelled for contumacy; 



INTRODtrCTORY CHAPTER. 59 

if he come, matter of charge may be found against chapter 

him, for what he shall have said at London, or else 

where, where he will have been less upon his guard 
than at Oxford. Some have ascribed Fell's hesita- 
tion, if it can be so called, in executing the King's 
order, to his unwillingness to injure Locke, who was 
his friend; others, with more reason, to the doubt 
of the legality of the order. However this may have 
been, neither his scruple nor his reluctance was 
regarded by a court who knew its own power. A 
peremptory order was accordingly sent, and imme- 
diate obedience ensued.''' Thus, while, without the 
shadow of a crime, Mr. Locke lost a situation at- 
tended with some emolument, and great conve- 
nience, was the University deprived of, or rather 
thus, from the base principles of servility, did she 
cast away, the man the having produced whom is 
now her chiefest glory; and thus, to those who are 
not determined to be blind, did the true nature of 
absolute power discover itself, against v\^hich the 
middling station is not more secure than the most 
exalted. Tyranny, when glutted with the blood of 
the great, and the plunder of the rich, will conde- 
scend to hunt humbler game, and make a peaceable 

Vide Sunderland's correspondence with the Bishop of Oxford, 
in the Appendix. 



60 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER and innocent fellow of a college the object of its 

'. — persecution. In this instance one would almost 

imagine there was some instinctive sagacity in the 
government of that time, which pointed out to them, 
even before he had made himself known to the 
world, the man who was destined to be the most 
successful adversary of superstition and tyranny. 
Forfeiture of Thc King, duriug the remainder of his reign, 
seems, with the exception of Armstrong's execution, 
which must be added to the catalogue of his mur- 
ders, to have directed his attacks more against the 
civil rights, properties, and liberties, than against 
the lives of his subjects. Convictions against evi- 
dence, sentences against law, enormous fines, cruel 
imprisonments, were the principal engines'' em- 
ployed for the purpose of breaking the spirit of in- 
dividuals, and fitting their necks for the yoke. But 
it was not thought fit to trust wholly to the effect 
which such examples would produce upon the pub- 
lick. That the subjugation of the people might be 
complete, and despotism be established upon the 
most solid foundation, measures of a more gene- 
ral nature and effect were adopted ; and first, the 

* The expedient of transporting men among common felons for 
political offences was not then invented, which is the more extraordi- 
nary, as it had begun in this reign to be in some degree made use of 
in religious persecutions. 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 61 

charter of London, and then those of ahnost all the chapter 

^ , I. 

other corporations in England, were either forfeited, 

or forced to a surrender. By this act of violence 
two important points were thought to be gained ; 
one, that in every regular assemblage of the people, 
in any part of the kingdom, the crown would have 
a commanding influence ; the other, that in case the 
King should find himself compelled to break his en- 
gagement to France, and to call a parliament, a great 
majority of members would be returned by electors 
of his nomination, and subject to his controul. In 
the affair of th^ charter of London, it was seen, as in 
the case of ship-money, how idle it is to look to 
the integrity of judges for a barrier against royal 
encroachments, when the courts of justice are not 
under the constant and vigilant controul of Parlia- 
ment. And it is not to be wondered at that, after 
such a warning, and with no hope of seeing a Parlia- 
ment assemble, even they who still retained their 
attachment to the true constitution of their country, 
should rather give way to the torrent, than make a 
fruitless and dangerous resistance. 

Charles being thus completely master, was deter- Despot 
mined that the relative situation of him and his 
subjects should be clearly understood, for which pur- 
pose he ordered a declaration to be framed, wherein, 



ism 
established. 



63 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER after having stated that he considered the degree 

of confidence they had reposed in him as an honour 

particular to his reign, which not one of his pre- 
decessors had ever dared even to hope for, he assured 
them he would use it with all possible moderation, 
and convince even the most violent republicans, 
that as the crown was the origin of the rights and 
liberties of the people, so was it their most certain and 
secure support. This gracious declaration was ready 
for the press at the time of the King's death, and if 
he had lived to issue it, there can be little doubt how 
it would have been received, at a time when 

nunquam Libertas gratior extat 
Quam sub Rege pio, 

was the theme of every song, and, by the help of some 
perversion of Scripture, the text of every sermon. 
But whatever might be the language of flatterers, and 
how loud soever the cry of a triumphant, but deluded 
Despondency party, thcrc wcrc not wanting men of nobler senti- 

of good men. ^ r • i • x#- i 

ments, and ot more rational views. Minds once 
thoroughly imbued with the love of what Sidney, in 
his last moments, so emphatically called the good old 
cause, will not easily relinquish their principles ; nor 
was the manner in which absolute power was exer- 
cised, such as to reconcile to it, in practice, those 
who had always been averse to it in speculation. 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 63 

The hatred of tyranny must, in such persons, have chapter 

been exasperated by the experience of its effects, and — 

their attachment to liberty proportionably confirmed. 
To them the state of their country must have been in- 
tolerable : to reflect upon the efforts of their fathers, 
once their pride and glory, and whom they themselves 
had followed with no unequal steps, and to see the 
result of all in the scenes that now presented them- 
selves, must have filled their minds with sensations 
of the deepest regret, and feelings bordering at least 
on despondency. To us, who have the opportunity 
of combining, in our view of this period, not only the 
preceding but subsequent transactions, the consider- 
ation of it may suggest reflections far different, and 
speculations more consolatory. Indeed I know not 
that history can furnish a more forcible lesson against 
despondency, than by recording, that within a short 
time from those dismal days in which men of the 
greatest constancy despaired, and had reason to do 
so, within five years from the death of Sidney, arose 
the brightest aera of freedom known to the annals 
of our country. 

It is said that the King, when at the summit of fntended 
his power, was far from happy; and a notion has measures, 
been generally entertained, that not long before his 
death he had resolved upon the recall of Monmouth, 



64 IN 1 RODUCTORY CHAPTER. 



I. 



CHAPTER and a correspondent change of system. That some 
such change was apprehended seems extremely pro- 
bable, from the earnest desire which the court of 
France, as well as the Duke of York's party in 
England, entertained, in the last years of Charles's 
life, to remove the Marquis of Halifax, who was 
supposed to have friendly dispositions to Monmouth. 
Among the various objections to that nobleman's 
political principles, we find the charge most relied 
upon, for the purpose of injuring him in the mind 
of the King, was founded on the opinion he had 
delivered in council, in favour of modelling the 
charters of the British Colonies in North America 
upon the principles of the rights and privileges of 
Englishmen. There was no room to doubt, (he was 
accused of saying,) that the same laws under which 
we live in England, should be established in a 
country composed of Englishmen. He even dilated 
upon this, and omitted none of the reasons by which 
it can be proved, that an absolute government is 
neither so happy nor so safe as that which is temper- 
ed by laws, and which limits the authority of the 
prince. He exaggerated, it was said, the mischiefs 
of a sovereign power, and declared plainly, that he 
could not make up his mind to live under a king 
who should have it in his power to take, when he 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 65 

pleased, the money he might have in his pocket, chapter 

All the other ministers had combated, as might be 

expected, sentiments so extraordinary; and without 
entering into the general question of the comparative 
value of different forms of government, maintained 
that his Majesty could, and ought to govern countries 
so distant, in the manner that should appear to him 
most suitable for preserving or augmenting the 
strength and riches of the mother country. It had 
been therefore resolved, that the government and 
council of the Provinces under the new charter, 
should not be obliged to call assemblies of the colo- 
nists for the purpose of imposing taxes, or making 
other important regulations, but should do what they 
thought fit, without rendering any account of their 
actions, except to his Britannick Majesty. The affair 
having been so decided with a concurrence only 
short of unanimity, was no longer considered as a 
matter of importance, nor would it be worth records 
ing, if the Duke of York and the French court had 
not fastened uoon it,* as affording the best evidence 
of the danger tp be apprehended from having a man 
of Halifax's principles in any situation of trust or 
power. There is something curious in discovering, 
that, even at this early period, a question relative to 

* Vide Barillon's Dispatches, 7th Dec. 1684. Appendix, p. vii. 

K 



66 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER North American liberty, and even to North American 

taxation, was considered as the test of principles 

friendly, or adverse, to arbitrary povs^er at home. But 
the truth is, that among the several controversies 
which have arisen, there is no other wherein the 
natural rights of man on the one hand, and the au- 
thority of artificial institution on the other, as ap- 
plied respectively, by the Whigs and Tories, to the 
English constitution, are so fairly put in issue, nor 
by which the line of separation between the two 
parties is so strongly and distinctly marked. 
Charles's Thcrc is somc reason for believing that the court 

death. ^ ^ O ^ 

1685. of Versailles had either wholly discontinued, or at 
least had become very remiss in, the payments of 
Charles's pension ; and it is not unlikely that this 
consideration may have induced him either really to 
think of calling a parliament, or at least to tlireaten 
Lewis with such a measure, in order to make that 
prince more punctual in performing his part of their 
secret treaty. But whether or not any secret change 
was really intended, or if it were, to what extent, and 
to what objects directed, are points which cannot now 
be ascertained, no publick steps having ever been 
taken in this affair, and his Majesty's intentions, 
if in truth he had any such, becoming abortive by 
the sudden illness which seized him on the first of 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 6? 

February 168 5, and which, in a few days afterwards, chapter 

put an end to his reign and life. His death was by 

many supposed to have been the effect of poison ; 
but although there is reason to believe that this sus- 
picion was harboured by persons very near to him, 
and among others, as I have heard, by the Dutchess 
of Portsmouth, it appears, upon the whole, to rest 
upon very slender foundations." 

With respect to the character of this Prince, upon Hiscimrac- 
the delineation of which so much pains have been 
employed, by the various writers who treat of the 
history of his time, it must be confessed that the facts 
which have been noticed in the foregoing pages, 
furnish but too many illustrations of the more unfa^ 
vourable parts of it. From these we may collect, 
that his ambition was directed solely against his sub- 
jects, while he was completely indifferent concern- 
ing the figure which he or they might make in the 
general affairs of Europe ; and that his desire of 
power was more unmixed with love of glory than 

* Mr. Fox had this report from the family of his mother, great- 
grandaughter to the Dutchess of Portsmouth. — The Dutchess of Ports- 
mouth lived to a very advanced age, and retained her faculties to the 
period of her death, which happened in nS^jat Aubigny. — Mr. Fox's 
mother, when very young, saw her at that place ; and many of the 
Lenox family, with whom Mr. Fox was subsequently acquainted, had, 
no doubt, frequently conversed with her. 



68 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER that of any other man whom history has recorded ; 

that he was unprincipled, ungrateful, mean, and 

treacherous, to which may be added, vindictive, and 
remorseless. For Burnet, in refusing to him the 
praise of clemency and forgiveness seems to be per- 
fectly justifiable, nor is it conceivable upon what 
pretence his partizans have taken this ground of 
panegyrick. I doubt whether a single instance can be 
produced , of his having spared the life of any one whom 
motives, either of policy, or of revenge, prompted 
him to destroy. To alledge that of Monmouth, as it 
would be an affront to human nature, so would it 
likewise imply the most severe of all satires against 
the monarch himself, and we may add too an unde- 
served one. For in order to consider it as an act of 
meritorious forbearance on his part, that he did not 
follow the example of Constantine, and Philip the 
Second, by imbruing his hands in the blood of his 
son, we must first suppose him to have been wholly 
void of every natural aflPection, which does not appear 
to have been the case. His declaration, that he 
would have pardoned Essex, being made when that 
nobleman was dead, and not followed by any act 
evincing its sincerity, can surely obtain no credit 
from men of sense. If he had really had the inten- 
tion, he ought not to have made such a declaration, 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 69 

unless he accompanied it with some mark of kind- chapter 

ness to the relations, or with some act of mercy to the 

friends, of the deceased . Considering it as a mere piece 
of hypocrisy, we cannot help looking upon it as one 
of the most odious passages of his life. This ill-timed 
boast of his intended mercy, and the brutal taunt 
with which he accompanied his mitigation, (if so it 
may be called,) of Russel's sentence, shew his in- 
sensibility and hardness to have been such, that in 
questions where right feelings were concerned, his 
good sense, and even the good taste for which he has 
been so much extolled, seemed wholly to desert him. 

On the other hand, it would be want of candour His good 
to maintain, that Charles was entirely destitute Qf"^"^'^'^"' 
good qualities ; nor was the propriety of Burnet's 
comparison between him and Tiberius ever felt, I 
imagine, by any one but its author. He was gay 
and affable, and, if incapable of the sentiments be- 
longing to pride of a laudable sort, he was at least 
free from haughtiness and insolence. The praise of 
politeness, which the Stoicks are not perhaps wrong 
in classing among the moral virtues, provided they 
admit it to be one of the lowest order, has never been 
denied him, and he had in an eminent degree that 
facility of temper which, though considered by some 
moralists as nearly allied to vice, yet, inasmuch as it 



70 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER contributes greatly to the happiness of those around 

lis, is, in itself, not only an engaging, but an estimable 

quality. His support of the Queen during the heats 
raised by the Popish plot, ought to be taken rather as 
a proof that he was not a monster, than to be ascribed 
to him as a merit ; but his steadiness to his brother, 
though it may and ought, in a great measure, to be 
accounted for upon selfish principles, had at least a 
strong resemblance to virtue. 

The best part of this Prince's character seems to 
have been his kindness towards his mistresses, and 
his affection for his children, and others nearly con- 
nected to him by the ties of blood. His recommen- 
dation of the Dutchess of Portsmouth and Mrs. Gwyn, 
upon his death-bed, to his successor, is much to his 
honour; and they who censure it, seem, in their 
zeal to show themselves strict moralists, to have suf- 
fered their notions of vice and virtue to have fallen 
into strange confusion. Charles's connection with 
those ladies might be vicious, but at a moment when 
that connection was upon the point of being finally, 
and irrevocably dissolved, to concern himself about 
their future welfare, and to recommend them to his 
brother with earnest tenderness, was virtue. It is 
not for the interest of morality that the good and evil 
actions, even of bad men, should be confounded. 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 71 

His affection for the Duke of Gloucester, and for the chapter 

Dutchess of Orleans, seems to have been sincere and 

cordial. To attribute, as some have done, his grief 
for the loss of the first to political considerations, 
founded upon an intended balance of power between 
his two brothers, would be an absurd refinement, 
whatever were his general disposition ; but when we 
reflect upon that carelessness which, especially 
in his youth, was a conspicuous feature of his 
character, the absurdity becomes still more striking. 
And though Burnet more covertly, and Ludlow more 
openly, insinuate that his fondness for his sister was 
of a criminal nature, I never could find that there 
was any ground whatever for such a suspicion ; nor 
does the little that remains of their epistolary cor- 
respondence give it the smallest countenance. Upon 
the whole, Charles the Second was a bad man, and a 
bad king: let us not palliate his crimes; but neither 
let us adopt false or doubtful imputations, for the 
purpose of making him a Monster. 

Whoever reviews the interesting period which Reflexions 

II I . . , . . I upon the pro- 

we have been discussing, upon the principle recom- babie conse- 
mended in the outset of this chapter, will find, that, reign and 

death. 

from the consideration of the past, to prognosticate 
the future, would, at the moment of Charles's demise, 
be no easy task. Between two persons, one of 



72 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

CHAPTER whom should expect that the country would re- 

main sunk in slavery, the other, that the cause of 

freedom would revive and triumph, it would he 
difficult to decide, whose reasons were better sup- 
ported, whose speculations the more probable. I 
should guess that he who desponded, had looked 
more at the state of the publick, while he who 
was sanguine, had fixed his eyes more attentively 
upon the person who was about to mount the 
throne. Upon reviewing the two great parties of 
the nation, one observation occurs very forcibly, 
and that is, that the great strength of the Whigs 
consisted in their being able to brand their adver- 
saries as favourers of Popery; that of the Tories, 
(as far as their strength depended upon opinion, and 
not merely upon the power of the crown,) in their 
finding colour to represent the Whigs as republi- 
cans. From this observation we may draw a further 
inference, that, in proportion to the rashness of the 
Crown, in avowing and pressing forward the cause 
of Popery, and to the moderation and steadiness of 
the Whigs, in adhering to the form of monarchy, 
would be the chance of the people of England, for 
changing an ignominious despotism, for glory, 
liberty, and happiness. 



CHAPTER II. 

HISTORY OF THE EARLY PART OF THE REIGN OF 
JAMES THE SECOND. 



CONTENTS 



"Accession of James II. — His Declaration in Council: Acceptable 
" to the Nation. — Arbitrary Designs of his Reign. — Former Minis- 
" ters continued. — Money Transactions with France. — Revenue 
" levied without Authority of Parliament. — Persecution of Dissen- 
" ters — Character of Jefferies. — The King's Affectation of Inde- 
" pendence. — Advances to the Prince of Orange. — The primary 
" Object of this Reign. — Transactions in Scotland. — Severe Perse- 
" cutions there. — Scottish Parliament. — Cruelties of Government. — 
" English Parliament: Its Proceedings. — Revenue. — Votes con- 
" cerning Religion — Bill for Preservation of the King's Person. — 
" Solicitude for the Church of England. — Reversal of Stafford's 
" Attainder rejected. — Parliament adjourned. — Character of the 
" Tories.— Situation of the Whigs." E. 



[77 ] 



CHAPTER THE SECOND, 



Charles the Second expired on the sixth of Feb- chapter 

ruary 1684-5, and on the same day his successor ! — 

was proclaimed King in London, with the usual Accession of 
formalities, by the title of James the Second. The Feb. 6th. 
great influence which this Prince was supposed to 
have possessed in the government, during the latter 
years of his brother's reign, and the expectation 
which was entertained, in consequence, that his 
measures, when monarch, would be of the same 
character and complexion with those which he was 
known to have highly approved, and of which he 
was thought by many to have been the principal 
author, when a subject, left little room for that spirit 
of speculation, which generally attends a demise 
of the Crown. And thus an event, which, when 
apprehended a few years before, had, according to 
a strong expression of Sir William Temple, been 



78 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER looked upon as the end of the world, was now 

II. 
deemed to be of small comparative importance. 

First steps of Its tendency, indeed, was rather to ensure perse- 

iiis reign. i • i 

verance than to effect any change in the system 
which had been of late years pursued. As there 
are, however, some steps indispensably necessary 
on the accession of a new prince to the throne, to 
these the publick attention was directed, and, though 
the character of James had been long so generally 
understood, as to leave little doubt respecting the 
political maxims and principles by which his reign 
would be governed, there was probably much cu- 
riosity, as upon such occasions there always is, with 
regard to the conduct he would pursue in matters 
of less importance, and to the general language and 
behaviour which he would adopt in his new situ- 
ation. His first step was, of course, to assemble the 
privy council, to whom he spoke as follows: 



His deciara- " BefoFe I enter upon any other business, I think 

tion in coun- ri • • i i i i 

cii. " fit to say something to you. bmce it hath pleased 

" Almighty God to place me in this station, and I 
" am now to succeed so good and gracious a king, 
*' as well as so very kind a brother, I think it fit to 
*' declare to you, that I will endeavour to follow 
*' his example, and most especially in that of his 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 79 

" great clemency and tenderness to his people. I chapter 

'* have been reported to be a man for arbitrary power; 

*' but that is not the only story that has been made 
*' of me: and I shall make it my endeavour to pre- 
*' serve this government, both in Church and State, 
*' as it is now by law established. I know the 
** principles of the Church of England are for Mo- 
*' narchy, and the members of it have shewn them- 
*' selves good and loyal subjects; therefore I shall 
" always take care to defend and support it. I know 
*' too, that the laws of England are sujfficient to 
*' make the King as great a monarch as I can wish; 
•* and as I shall never depart from the just rights 
*' and prerogatives of the crown, so I shall never 
" invade any man's property. I have often here- 
" tofore ventured my life in defence of this nation ; 
*' and I shall go as far as any man in preserving it 
" in all its just rights and liberties."* 

With this declaration the council were so highly Acceptable 
satisfied, that they supplicated his Majesty to make 
it publick, which was accordingly done; and it is 
reported to have been received with unbounded 
applause by the greater part of the nation. Some, 
perhaps, there were, who did not think the boast 

* Kennet. III. 420. 



80 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER of having ventured his life, very manly, and who, 

considering the transactions of the last vears of 

Charles s reign, were not much encouraged by the 
promise of imitating that monarch in clemency and 
tenderness to his subjects. To these it might ap- 
pear, that whatever there was of consolatory in the 
King's disclaimer of arbitrary power, and professed 
attachment to the laws, was totally done away, as 
well by the consideration of what his Majesty's no- 
tions of power and law were, as by his declaration, 
that he would follow the example of a predecessor, 
whose government had not only been marked with 
the violation, in particular cases, of all the most 
sacred laws of the realm, but had latterly, by the 
disuse of parliaments, in defiance of the statute of 
the sixteenth year of his reign, stood upon a founda- 
tion radically and fundamentally illegal. To others 
it might occur, that even the promise to the Church 
of England, though express with respect to the 
condition of it, which was no other than perfect 
acquiescence in what the King deemed to be the 
true principles of monarchy, was rather vague with 
regard to the nature, or degree of support to which 
the royal speaker might conceive himself engaged. 
The words, although, in any interpretation of them, 
they conveyed more than he possibly ever intended 



l68L 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 81 

to perform, did by no means express the sense which chapter 
at that time, by his friends, and afterwards by his 
enemies, was endeavoured to be fixed on them. 
There was indeed a promise to support the estab- 
lishment of the Church, and consequently the laws 
upon which that establishment immediately rested ; 
but by no means an engagement to maintain all the 
collateral provisions which some of its more zeal- 
ous members might judge necessary for its security. 

But whatever doubts or difficulties might be felt. Triumph of 
few or none were expressed. The Whigs, as a van- 
quished party, were either silent, or not listened to, 
and the Tories were in a temper of mind which 
does not easily admit suspicion. They were not more 
delighted with the victory they had obtained over 
their adversaries, than with the additional stability 
which, as they vainly imagined, the accession of 
the new monarch was likely to give to their system. 
The truth is, that, his religion excepted, (and that 
objection they were sanguine enough to consider as 
done away by a few gracious words in favour of 
the Church,) James was every way better suited to 
their purpose than his brother. They had enter- 
tained continual apprehensions, not perhaps wholly 
unfounded, of the late King's returning kindness to 
Monmouth, the consequences of which could not 



8^ HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER easily be calculated ; whereas, every occurrence 

that had happened, as well as every circumstance 

in James's situation, seemed to make him utterly ir- 
reconcileable with the Whigs. Besides, after the 
reproach, as well as alarm, which the notoriety of 
Charles's treacherous character must so often have 
caused them, the very circumstance of having at 
their head a Prince, of whom they could with any 
colour hold out to their adherents, that his word 
was to be depended upon, was in itself a matter of 
triumph and exultation. Accordingly the watch- 
word of the party was every where, iVe have the 
word of a King, and a word never yet broken ; and to 
such a length was the spirit of adulation, or {>er- 
haps the delusion, carried, that this royal declara- 
tion was said to be a better security for the liberty 
and religion of the nation, than any which the law 
could devise.* 
The Kings The King, though much pleased, no doubt, with 
Jigns.'^"^^ '^ the popularity which seemed to attend the com- 
mencement of his reign, as a powerful medium for 
establishing the system of absolute power, did not 
suffer himself, by any shew of affection from his 
people, to be diverted from his design of rendering 
his government independent of them. To this 

* Burnet. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 83 

design we must look as the main-spring of all his chapteh 

actions at this period ; for with regard to the Roman 

Catholick religion, it is by no means certain that 
he yet thought of obtaining for it any thing more 
than a complete toleration. With this view, there- Ministers re- 

n 1 11 1 • 1' • 1 • appointed. 

fore, he could not take a more judicious resolution 
than that which he had declared in his speech to 
the privy council, and to which he seems, at this 
time, to have stedfastly adhered, of making the go- 
vernment of his predecessor the model for his 
own. He therefore continued in their offices, not- 
withstanding the personal objections he might have 
to some of them, those servants of the late King, 
during whose administration that Prince had been so 
successfid in subduing his subjects, and eradicating 
almost from the minds of Englishmen every senti- 
ment of liberty. 

Even the Marquis of Halifax, who was supposed Halifax. 
to have remonstrated against many of the late mea- 
sures, and to have been busy in recommending a 
change of system to Charles, was continued in high 
employment by James, who told him, that, of all his 
past conduct, he should remember only his beha- 
viour upon the Exclusion Bill, to which that no- 
bleman had made a zealous and distinguished oppo- 
sition ; a handsome expression, which has been the 



84 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER more noticed, as well because it is almost the single 
— — — instance of this Prince's shewing any disposition 
to forget injuries, as on account of a delicacy and 
propriety in the wording of it by no means familiar 
to him. 
Kochester. Lawreuce Hyde, Earl of Rochester, whom he 
appointed Lord Treasurer, was in all respects cal- 
culated to be a fit instrument for the purposes then 
in view. Besides being upon the worst terms with 
Halifax, in whom alone, of all his ministers, James 
was likely to find any bias in favour of popular 
principles, he was, both from prejudice of educa- 
tion, and from interest, inasmuch as he had aspired 
to be the head of the Tories, a great favourer of 
those servile principles of the Church of England, 
which had lately been so highly extolled from the 
throne. His near relation to the Dutchess of York 
might also be some recommendation, but his privity 
to the late pecuniary transactions between the courts 
of Versailles and London, and the cordiality with 
which he concurred in them, were by far more 
powerful titles to his new master's confidence. For 
it must be observed of this minister, as well as of 
many others of his party, that his high notions, as 
they are frequently styled, of power, regarded only 
the relation between the King and his subjects, and 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 85 

not that in which he might stand with respect chapter 

to foreign Princes; so that, provided he could, by '. — 

a dependence, however servile, upon Lewis the 
Fourteenth, be placed above the controul of his 
Parliament and people at home, he considered the 
honour of the crown unsullied. 

Robert Spencer, Earl of Sunderland, who was sunderiand. 
continued as Secretary of State, had been at one 
period a supporter of the Exclusion Bill, and had 
been suspected of having offered the Dutchess of 
Portsmouth to obtain the succession to the crown 
for her son, the Duke of Richmond. Nay more, 
King James, in his memoirs, charges him with hav- 
ing intended, just at the time of Charles's death, to 
send him into a second banishment ;'*' but with re- 
gard to this last point, it appears evident to me, 
that many things in those memoirs relative to this 
Earl, were written after James's abdication, and in 
the greatest bitterness of spirit, when he was pro- 
bably in a frame of mind to believe any thing 
against a person by whom he conceived himself to 
have been basely deserted. The reappointment, 
therefore, of this nobleman to so important an office, 
is to be accounted for partly upon the general prin- 
ciple above mentioned, of making the new reign a 

* Macpberson's State Papers, I. 147. 



86 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER mere continuation of the former, and partly upon 

! — Sunderland's extraordinary talents for ingratiating 

himself with persons in power, and persuading 
them that he was the fittest instrument for their pur- 
poses; a talent in which he seems to have surpassed 
all the intriguing statesmen of his time, or perhaps 
of any other. 
Money trans- Au intimate connectiou with the court of Ver- 
France. saiUes being the principal engine by which the 
favourite project of absolute monarchy was to be ef- 
fected, James, for the purpose of fixing and cement- 
ing that connection, sent for M. De Barillon, the 
French ambassadour, the very day after his acces- 
sion, and entered into the most confidential discourse 
with him. He explained to him his motives for in- 
tending to call a parliament, as well as his resolution 
to levy by authority, the revenue which his prede- 
cessor had enjoyed in virtue of a grant of parlia- 
ment which determined with his life. He made 
general professions of attachment to Lewis, declared 
that in all affairs of importance it was his intention 
to consult that monarch, and apologised, upon the 
ground of the urgency of the case, for acting in the 
instance mentioned without his advice. Money was 
not directly mentioned, owing, perhaps, to some 
sense of shame upon that subject, which his brother 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 87 

had never experienced ; but lest there should be a chapteii 

doubt whether that object were implied in the de 

sire of support and protection, Kochester was di- 
rected to explain the matter more fully, and to give 
a more distinct interpretation of these general ternis. 
Accordingly, that minister waited the next morning 
upon Barillon, and after having repeated, and en- 
larged upon the reasons for calling a parliament, 
stated, as an additional argument in defence of the 
measure, that without it, his master would become 
too chargeable to the French King; adding, however, 
that the assistance which might be expected from a 
Parliament, did not exempt him altogether from the 
necessity of resorting to that prince for pecuniary 
aids, for that without such, he would be at the mercy 
of his subjects, and that upon this beginning would 
depend the whole fortune of the reign.* If Roches- 
ter actually expressed himself as Barilion relates, 
the use intended to be made of Parliament, cannot 
but cause the most liveJy indignation, while it fur- 
nishes a complete answer to the historians wha ac- 
cuse the parliaments of those days of unseasonable 
parsimony in their grants to the Stuart Kings ; for 
the grants of the people of England were not 
destined, it seems, to enable their Kings to oppose 

* Bafrillxm's Letter, February 19, 1685, ift the Appendix, p. xviii. 



88 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER the power of France, or even to be independent of 

her, but to render the influence which Lewis was 

resolved to preserve in this country, less chargeable 
to him, by furnishing their quota to the support of 
his royal dependant. 
The King's The Frcnch ambassadour sent immediately a de- 

abjectgrati- ^ ., , „ , . , . 

tude. tailed account or these conversations to his court, 

where, probably, they were not received with the 
l€ss satisfaction on account of the request contained 
in them having been anticipated. Within a very 
few days from that in which the latter of them had 
passed, he was empowered to accompany the deli- 
very of a letter from his master, with the agreeable 
news of having received from him bills of exchange 
to the amount of five hundred thousand livres, to be 
used in whatever manner might be convenient to 
the King of England's service. The account which 
Barillon gives, of the manner in which this sum was 
received, is altogether ridiculous : the King's eyes 
were full of tears, and three of his ministers, Ro- 
chester, Sunderland, and Godolphin, came severally 
to the French ambassadour, to express the sense their 
master had of the obligation, in terms the most la- 
vish.* Indeed, demonstrations of gratitude from the 
King directly, as well as through his ministers, for 

* Barillon's Letter, Feb. 26, in the Appendix, p. xxviii. 



1685. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. S9 

this supply, were such, as if they had been used by chapter 
some unfortunate individual, who, with his whole 
family, had been saved, by the timely succour of some 
Icind and powerful protector, from a gaol and all 
its horrours, would be deemed rather too strong 
than too weak. Barillon himself seems surprised 
when he relates them ; but imputes them to what 
was probably their real cause, to the apprehensions 
that had been entertained, (very unreasonable ones!) 
that the King of France might no longer choose 
to interfere in the affairs of England, and conse- 
quently that his support could not be relied on for 
the grand object of assimilating this government to 
his own. 

If such apprehensions did exist, it is probable sagacUyand 

11 1 . n -1 1 foresight of 

that they were chieny owing; to the very careless Lewis the 

^ . . . Fourteenth. 

manner, to say the least, in which Lewis had of 
late fulfilled his pecuniary engagements to Charles, 
so as to amount, in the opinion of the English mi- 
nisters, to an actual breach of promise. But the cir- 
cumstances were in some respects altered. The 
French King had been convinced that Charles 
would never call a parliament; nay further, perhaps, 
that if he did, he would not be trusted by one; and 
considering him therefore entirely in his power, 
acted from that principle in insolent minds, which 

N 



^0 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER makes them fond of ill-treating and insulting those 

whom they have degraded to a dependence on them. 

But James would probably be obliged at the com- 
mencement of a new reign, to call a parliament, and if 
well used by such a body, and abandoned by France, 
might give up his project of arbitrary power, and 
consent to govern according to the law and consti- 
tution. In such an event Lewis easily foresaw, that, 
instead of an useful dependant, he might find upon 
the throne of England a formidable enemy. Indeed, 
this Prince and his ministers seem all along, with a 
sagacity that does them credit, to have foreseen, 
and to have justly estimated, the dangers to which 
they would be liable, if a cordial imion should 
ever take place between a King of England and 
his Parliament, and the British councils be di- 
rected by men enlightened and warmed by the 
genuine principles of liberty. It was therefore an 
object of great moment to bind the new King, as 
early as possible, to the system of dependency 
upon France; and matter of no less triumph to 
the court of Versailles to have retained him by 
so moderate a fee, than to that of London to re- 
ceive a sum, which, though small, was thought 
valuable, as an earnest of better wages, and future 
protection. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 91 

It had for some time been Lewis's favourite object chapter 

•^ II. 

to annex to his dominion what remained of the 

Spanish Netherlands, as well on account of their Treaty with 

* ^ Spain dispen- 

own intrinsic value, as to enable him to destroy the sed wUh. 
United Provinces and the Prince of Orange; and 
this object Charles had bound himself, by treaty 
with Spain, to oppose. In the joy, therefore, occa- 
sioned by this noble manner of proceeding, (for 
such it was called by all the parties concerned,) the 
first step was to agree, without hesitation, that 
Charles's treaty with Spain determined with his 
life ; a decision which, if the disregard that had 
been shewn to it, did not render the question con- 
cerning it nugatory, it would be difficult to support 
upon any principles of national law or justice. The 
manner in which the late King had conducted him- 
self upon the subject of this treaty, that is to say, the 
violation of it, without formally renouncing it, was 
gravely commended, and stated to be no more than 
what might justly be expected from Jiim ; but the 
present King was declared to be still more free, and 
in no way bound by a treaty, from the execution 
of which his brother had judged himself to be suffi- 
ciently dispensed. This appears to be a nice dis- 
tinction, and what that degree of obligation was, 
from which James was exempt, but which had lain 



92 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER upon Charles, who neither thought himself bound, 
nor was expected by others to execute the treaty, it 

l685. . T fY- 1 .J, 

IS dimcult to conceive." 
More money This preliminary beinff adjusted, the meaning of 

solicited from . -^ . . ° 

Lewis. which, through all this contemptible shuffling, was, 
that James, by giving up all concern for the Spanish 
Netherlands, should be at liberty to acquiesce in, or 
to second, whatever might be the ambitious projects 
of the court of Versailles, it was determined that 
Lord Churchill should be sent to Paris to obtain fur- 
ther pecuniary aids. But such was the impression 
made by the frankness and generosity of Lewis, that 
there was no question of discussing or capitulating, 
but every thing was remitted to that Prince, and to 
the information his ministers might give him, re- 
specting the exigency of affairs in England. He 
who had so handsomely been beforehand, in grant- 
ing the assistance of five hundred thousand livres, 
was only to be thanked for past, not importuned for 
future, munificence. -f Thus ended, for the pre- 
sent, this disgusting scene of iniquity and non- 
sense, in which all the actors seemed to vie with 
each other in prostituting the sacred names of friend- 
ship, generosity, and gratitude, in one of the meanest 

* Baiillon's Disp.atches, May 5, I685. Appendix, 
t lb. Feb. 26. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 93 

and most criminal transactions which history re- chapter 
cords. 



The principal parties in the business, besides the 
King himself, to whose capacity, at least, if not to his 
situation, it was more suitable, and Lord Churchill, 
who acted as an inferior agent, were Sunderland; 
Rochester, and Godolphin, all men of high rank, 
and considerable abilities, but whose understandings, 
as well as their principles, seem to have been cor- 
rupted by the pernicious schemes in which they 
were engaged. With respect to the last mentioned 
nobleman in particular, it is impossible, without pain, 
to see him engaged in such transactions. With what 
self-humiliation must he not have reflected upon 
them in subsequent periods of his life! How little 
could Barillon guess that he was negotiating with 
one who was destined to be at the head of an admi- 
nistration, which, in a few years, would send the 
same Lord Churchill, not to Paris to implore Lewis 
for succours towards enslaving England, or to thank 
him for pensions to her monarch, but to combine all 
Europe against him, in the cause of liberty; to rout 
his armies, to take his towns, to humble his pride, 
and to shake to the foundation that fabrick of power 
which it had been the business of a long life to raise 
at the expense of every sentiment of tenderness to 



•94 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER his subjects, and of justice and good faith to foreign 

. nations ! It is with difficulty the reader can persuade 

himself that the Godolphin and Churchill here men- 
tioned, are the same persons who were afterwards, 
one in the cabinet, one in the field, the great con- 
ductors of the war of the Succession. How little do 
they appear in one instance! how great in the 
other! And the investigation of the cause to which 
this excessive difference is principally owing, will 
produce a most useful lesson. Is the difference to be 
attributed to any superiority of genius in the prince 
whom they served in the latter period of their lives? 
Queen Anne's capacity appears to have been infe- 
rior even to her father's. Did they enjoy in a greater 
degree her favour and confidence? The very re- 
verse is the fact. But in one case they were the 
tools of a King plotting against his people ; in the 
other, the ministers of a free government acting upon 
enlarged principles, and with energies which no 
state that is not in some degree republican can sup- 
ply. How forcibly must the contemplation of these 
men in such opposite situations teach persons enga- 
ged in political life, that a free and popular govern- 
ment is desirable, not only for the publick good, but 
for their own greatness and consideration, for every 
object of generous ambition.' 



GF JAMES THE SECOND. 95 



The King having, as has been related, first pri- chapteu 

vately communicated his intentions to the French '. — 

ambassadour, issued proclamations for the meeting of customs'le- 

. I . 1 1 • ^'^*' without 

Parliament, and for levyins; upon his sole authority, authority of 

,.|.|,, . Parliament. 

the customs and other duties which had constituted 
part of the late King's revenue, but to which, the 
acts granting them having expired with the Prince, 
James was not legally entitled. He was advised by 
Lord Guildford, whom he had continued in the office 
of Keeper of the Great Seal, and who upon such a 
subject therefore, was a person likely to have the 
greatest weight, to satisfy himself with directing the 
money to be kept in the Exchequer for the disposal 
of Parliament, which was shortly to meet ; and by^ 
others, to take bonds from the merchants for the du- 
ties, to be paid when Parliament should legalize 
them.* But these expedients were not suited to the 
King's views, who, as well on account of his en- 
gagement with France, as from his own disposition, 
was determined to take no step that might indicate 
an intention of governing by Parliaments, or a con- 
sciousness of his being dependant upon them for 
his revenue. He adopted, therefore, the advice of 
Jefferies, advice not resulting so much, probably, 
either from ignorance ox violence of disposition, as 

* Life of Lord Keeper North, 



96 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER from his knowledge that it would be most agreeable 

'. to his master ; and directed the duties to be paid as 

in the former reign. It was pretended, that an in- 
terruption in levying some of the duties might be 
hurtful to trade ; but as every difficulty of that kind 
was obviated by the expedients proposed, this arbi- 
trary and violent measure can with no colour be 
ascribed to a regard to publick convenience, nor 
to any other motive than to a desire of reviving 
Charles the First's claims to the power of taxation, 
and of furnishing a most intelligible comment upon 
his speech to the council on the day of his acces- 
sion. It became evident what the King's notions 
were, with respect to that regal prerogative from 
which he professed himself determined never to 
depart, and to that property which he would never 
invade. What were the remaining rights and liber- 
ties of the nation, which he was to preserve, might 
be more difficult to discover ; but that the laws of 
England, in the royal interpretation of them, were 
sufficient to make the King as great a monarch as he, 
or indeed any prince, could desire, was a point that 
could not be disputed. This violation of law was 
in itself most flagrant: it was applied to a point well 
understood, and thought to have been so completely 
settled by repeated and most explicit declarations. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 97 

of the legislature, that it must have been doubtful chapter 

whether even the most corrupt judges, if the ques- 

tion had been tried, would have had the audacity to 
decide it against the subject. But no resistance was 
made; nor did the example of Hampden, which a 
half centmy before had been so successful, and ren- 
dered that patriot's name so illustrious, tempt any 
one to emulate his fame; so completely had the 
crafty and sanguinary measures of the late reign at- 
tained the object to which they were directed, and 
rendered all men either afraid or unwilling to exert 
themselves in the cause of liberty. 

On the other hand, addresses the most servile were Addresses. 
daily sent to the Throne. That of the University 
of Oxford stated, that the religion which they pro- 
fessed bound them to unconditional obedience to 
their Sovereign, without restfrctions or limitations ; 
and the Society of Barristers and Students of the 
Middle-Temple, thanked his Majesty for the attention 
he had shewn to the trade of the kingdom, concern- 
ing which, and its balance, (and upon this last article 
they laid particular stress,) they seemed to think 
themselves peculiarly called upon to deliver their 
opinion. But whatever might be their knowledge 
in matters of trade, it was at least equal to that which 
these addressers shewed in the laws and constitution 



1685. 



98 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER of their country, since they boldly affirmed the 
King's right to levy the duties, and declared that it 
had never been disputed but by persons engaged in 
what they were pleased to call, rebellion against his 
royal father. The address concluded with a sort of 
prayer, that all his Majesty's subjects might be as 
good lawyers as themselves, and disposed to ac- 
knowledge the royal prerogative in all its extent. 

If these addresses are remarkable for their servi- 
lity, that of the Gentlemen and Freeholders of the 
county of Suffolk was no less so for the spirit of 
party violence that was displayed in it. They would 
take care, they said, to choose representatives who 
should no more endure those who had been for the 
Exclusion Bill, than the last Parliament had the 
abhorrers of the association ; and thus not only 
endeavoured to keep up his Majesty's resentment 
against a part of their fellow-subjects, but engaged 
themselves to imitate, for the purpose of retaliation, 
that part of the conduct of their adversaries, which 
they considered as most illegal and oppressive.* 

It is a remarkable circumstance, that among all 
the adulatory addresses of this time, there is not to 
be found, in anyone of them, any declaration of dis- 
belief in the Popish plot, or any charge upon the 

* Rapin. 



Observations 
on them. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 99 

late Parliament, for having prosecuted it, though it chapter 
could not but be well known, that such topicks would, — — '■ — 
of all others, be most agreeable to the Court. Hence 
we may collect that the delusion on this subject was 
hy no means at an end, and that they who, out of a 
desire to render history conformable to the princi- 
ples of poetical justice, attribute the unpopularity, 
and downfal of the Whigs, to the indignation ex- 
cited by their furious and sanguinary prosecution of 
the plot, are egregiously mistaken. If this had been 
in any degree the prevailing sentiment, it is utterly 
unaccountable, that, so far from its appearing in any 
of the addresses of these times, this most just ground 
of reproach upon the Whig party, and the Parlia- 
ment in which they had had the superiority, was the 
only one omitted in them. The fact appears to have 
been the very reverse of what such historians sup- 
pose, and that the activity of the late parliamentary 
leaders, in prosecuting the Popish plot, was the 
principal circumstance which reconciled the nation 
for a time, to their other proceedings ; that their 
conduct in that business, (now so justly condemned,) 
was the grand engine of their power, and that when 
that failed, they were soon overpowered by the united 
forces of bigotry and corruption. They were hated 
by a great part of the nation, not for their crimes, 



100 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER but for their virtues. To be above corruption is al- 

'. — ways odious to the corrupt, and to entertain more 

enlarged and juster notions of philosophy and go- 
vernment, is often a cause of alarm to the narrow- 
minded, and superstitious. In those days particu- 
larly, it was obvious to refer to the confusion, greatly 
exaggerated, of the times of the Commonwealth ; and 
it was an excellent watch-word of alarm, to accuse 
every lover of law and liberty, of designs to revive 
the tragical scene which had closed the life of the 
first Charles. In this spirit, therefore, the Exclusion 
Bill, and the alledged conspiracies of Sidney and 
Russel were, as might naturally be expected, the 
chief charges urged against the Whigs ; but their con- 
duct on the subject of the Popish plot, was so far 
from being the cause of the hatred borne to them, 
that it was not even used as a topick of accusation 
against them. 
Late King's In ordcr to keep up that spirit in the nation, which 
was thought to be manifested in the addresses, his 
Majesty ordered the Declaration, to which allusion 
was made in the last chapter, to be published, inter- 
woven with a history of the Rye-house plot, which 
is said to have been drawn by Dr. Sprat, Bishop 
of Rochester. The principal drift of this publication 
was, to load the memory of Sidney and Russel, and 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 101 

to blacken the character of the Duke of Monmouth, chapter 

by wickedly confounding the consultations holdenby 

them, with the plot for assassinating the late King, 
and in this object, it seems in a great measure to 
have succeeded. He also caused to be published, an and Attesta- 
attestation of his brother's having; died a Roman Ca- dying a ca- 

" ^ tholick, pub- 

tholick, together with two papers, drawn up by him, listed. 
in favour of that persuasion. This is generally 
considered to have been a very ill-advised instance 
of zeal ; but probably James thought, that, at a time 
when people seemed to be so in love with his power, 
he might safely venture to indulge himself in a dis- 
play of his attachment to his religion ; and perhaps 
too, it might be thought good policy, to shew that a 
Prince, who had been so highly complimented as 
Charles had been, for the restoration and protection 
of the church, had, in truth, been a Catholick, and 
thus, to inculcate an opinion, that the Church of 
England might not only be safe, but highly favoured, 
under the reign of a Popish Prince. 

Partly from similar motives, and partly to gratify Persecution 
the natural vindictiveness of his temper, he perse- 
vered in a most cruel persecution of the Protestant 
Dissenters, upon the most frivolous pretences. The 
courts of justice, as in Charles's days, were instru- 
ments equally ready, either for seconding the policy. 



of Dissenters. 



102 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER or for gratifying the bad passions, of the Monarch ; 

^ — and JefFeries, whom the late King had appointed 

Chief Justice of England, a little before Sidney's 
trial, was a man entirely agreeable to the temper, 
and suitable to the purposes, of the present govern- 

jefferies'cha- mcnt. He was thought not to be very learned in 
his profession ; but what might be wanting in know- 
ledge, he made up in positiveness ; and indeed what- 
ever might be the difficulties in questions between 
one subject and another, the fashionable doctrine 
which prevailed at that time, of supporting the King's 
prerogative in its full extent, and without restriction 
or limitation, rendered, to such as espoused it, all 
that branch of law, which is called constitutional, 
extremely easy and simple. He was as submissive 
and mean to those above him, as he was haughty 
and insolent to those who were in any degree in his 
power; and if in his own conduct he did not exhibit 
a very nice regard for morality, or even for decency, 
he never failed to animadvert upon, and to punish, 
the most slight deviation in others, with the utmost 
severity, especially if they were persons whom he 
suspected to be no favourites of the Court. 

Richard Before this magistrate was brought for trial, by a 

Baxter per- • rr • i i • r r T" 

secuted, jury suiiiciently prepossessed in tavour ot 1 ory 
politicks, the Reverend Richard Baxter, a dissenting 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 103 

minister; a pious and learned man, of exemplary chapter 
character, always remarkable for his attachment to 

. , 1685. 

monarchy, and for leaning to moderate measures in 
the differences between the church, and those of his 
persuasion. The pretence for this prosecution was, 
a supposed reference of some passages in one of his 
works, to the bishops of the church of England ; a 
reference which was certainly not intended by him, 
and which could not have been made out to any jury 
that had been less prejudiced, or under any other di- 
rection than that of Jefferies. The real motive was, 
the desire of punishing an eminent dissenting 
teacher, whose reputation was high among his sect, 
and who was supposed to favour the political opi- 
nions of the Whigs. He was found guilty, and 
Jefferies, in passing sentence upon him, loaded him 
with the coarsest reproaches, and bitterest taunts. He 
called him sometimes, byway of derision, a saint, 
sometimes, in plainer terms, an old rogue ; and 
classed this respectable divine, to whom the only 
crime imputed, was the having spoken disrespect- 
fully of the bishops of a communion to which he 
did not belong, with the infamous Gates, who had 
been lately convicted of perjury. He finished with 
declaring, that it was matter of publick notoriety, that 
there was a formed design to ruin the King and the 



104 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



CHAPTER nation, in which this old man was the principal 
'. — incendiary. Nor is it improbable that this decla- 
ration, absurd as it was, might gain belief, at a time 
when the credulity of the triumphant party was at its 
height. 
Credulity of Of this creduHty it seems to be no inconsiderable 
testimony, that some affected nicety, which James 
had shewn, with regard to the ceremonies to be used 
towards the French ambassadour, was highly magni- 
fied, and represented to be an indication of the dif- 
ferent tone that was to be taken by the present King, 
in regard to foreign powers, and particularly to the 
court of Versailles. The King was represented as 
a Prince eminently jealous of the national honour, 
and determined to preserve the balance of power 
in Europe, by opposing the ambitious projects of 
France, at the very time when he was supplicating 
Lewis to be his pensioner, and expressing the most 
extravagant gratitude, for having been accepted as 
such. From the information which we now have, 
it appears that his applications to Lewis for money 
were incessant, and that the difficulties were all on 
the side of the French court.* Of the historians 
who wrote prior to the inspection of the papers in 
the Foreign Office in France, Burnet is the only 

* Vide Appendix passim. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 105 

one who seems to have known that James's preten- chapter 

sions of independency with respect to the French 

King, were, (as he terms them,) only a show; butthere 
can now be no reason to doubt the truth of the anec- 
dote which he relates, that Lewis, soon after, told the 
Duke of Villeroy,''' that if James showed any appa^ 
rent uneasiness concerning the balance of power, 
(and there is some reason to suppose he did,) in his 
conversations with the Spanish, and other foreign am- 
bassadours, his intention was, probably, to alarm the 
Court of Versailles, and thereby to extort pecuniary 
assistance to a greater extent ; while, on the other 
hand, Lewis, secure in the knowledge, that his views 
of absolute power must continue him in dependance 
upon France, seems to have refused further supplies, 
and even in some measure to have withdrawn those 
which had been stipulated, as a mark of his displea- 
sure with his dependant, for assuming a higher tone 
than he thought becoming.^ 

Whether with a view of giving some countenance His advances 

1 -I . . , . to the Prince 

to those who were praising him upon the above ofOrange. 
mentioned topick, or from what other motive it is 
now not easy to conjecture, James seems to have 
wished to be upon apparent good terms, at least, with 

* Vide Burnet, Vol. II. p. 302. 
+ Lewis's Letter to Barillon, Apiil 24. Appendix. 

P 



106 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER the Prince of Orange; and after some correspond- 

ence with that Prince, concerning the protection 

afforded by hinj, and the States General, to Mon- 
mouth, and other obnoxious persons, it appears that 
he declared himself, in consequence of certain ex- 
planations and concessions, perfectly satisfied. It is 
to be remarked, however, that he thought it neces- 
sary to give the French ambassadour an account of 
this transaction, and in a manner to apologize to him 
for entering into any sort of terms with a son-in-law, 
who was supposed to be hostile in disposition to 
the French King. He assured Barillon, that a change 
of system, on the part of the Prince of Orange, in 
regard to Lewis, should be a condition of his recon- 
ciliation : he afterwards informed him, that the Prince 
of Orange had answered him satisfactorily in all other 
respects, but had not taken notice of his wish that 
he should connect himself with France; but never 
told him that he had, notwithstanding the Prince's 
silence on that material point, expressed himself com- 
pletely satisfied with him.* That a proposition to the 
Prince of Orange, to connect himself in politicks with 
Lewis, would, (if made,) have been rejected, in the 
manner in which the King's account to Barillon im- 
plies that it was, there can be no doubt ; but whether 

* Barillon's Dispatches, March 1, and 5, Appendix, p. xli. et seqq. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 101 

James ever had the assurance to make it, is more chapter 

questionable ; for, as he evidently acted disingenu 

ously with the ambassadour, in concealing from him 
the complete satisfaction he had expressed of the 
Prince of Orange's present conduct ;* it is not un- 
reasonable to suppose, that he deceived him still 
further, and pretended to have made an application, 
which he had never hazarded. However, the ascer- 
taining of this fact is by no means necessary for 
the illustration, either of the general history, or of 
Jameses particular character ; since it appears, that 
the proposition, if made, was rejected; and James 
is, in any case, equally convicted of insincerity; the 
only point in question being, whether he deceived 
the French ambassadour, In regard to the fact of his 
having made the proposition, or to the sentiments he 
expressed upon its being refused. Nothing serves 
more to show the dependance in which he consi- 
dered himself to be upon Lewis, than these con- 
temptible shifts, to which he condescended, for the 
purposes of explaining, and apologizing for, such 
parts of his conduct, as might be supposed to be less 
agreeable to that monarch than the rest. An English 
Parliament acting upon constitutional principles, 
and the Prince of Orange, were the two enemies 

* Dalrymple's Me^. Jl 116. 



108 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



Chapter whom Lewis most dreaded ; and accordingly, when- 

II. . 

— ever James found it necessary to make approaches to 

either of them, an apology was immediately to be 

oflFered to the French ambassadour, to which truth 

sometimes and honour was always sacrificed.* 

The primary Mr. Hume savs, the Kins; found himself, by de- 
object of Ms ^ ° ^ ^ ^ ^ 

reigfi, grees, under the necessity of falling into an union 

with the French monarch, who could alone assist 
him, in promoting the Catholick religion in England. 
But when that historian wrote, those documents had 
not been made publick, from which the account of 
the communications with Barillon has been taken, 
and by which it appears, that a connection with 
France was, as well in point of time, as in importance, 
the first object of his reign, and that the immediate 
specifick motive to that connection, was the same as 
that of his brother; the desire of rendering himself 
independent of Parliament, and absolute, not that of 
establishing Popery in England, which was consi- 
dered as a more remote contingency.-!- That this was 
the case, is evident from all the circumstances of the 
transaction, and especially from the zeal with which 
he was served in it by Ministers who were never 
suspected of any leaning towards Popery, and not one 
of whom, (Sunderland excepted,) could be brought 

* Vide Appendix passim. + Appendix passim. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 109 

to the measures that were afterwards taken in favour chapter 



of that rellffion. It is the more material to attend — - — 
to this distinction, because the Tory historians, espe- 
cially such of them as are not Jacobites, have taken 
much pains to induce us to attribute the violences misrepre- 

, . . . , . . sented by 

and illegalities of this reign to James s religion, histomns. 
which was peculiar to him, rather than to that desire 
of absolute power, which so many other princes have 
had, have, and always will have in common with 
him. The policy of such misrepresentation is ob- 
vious. If this reign is to be considered as a period 
insulated, as it were, and unconnected with the 
general course of history, and if the events of it are 
to be attributed exclusively, to the particular cha- 
racter, and particular attachments of the monarch, 
the sole inference will be, that we must not have a 
Catholick for our King ; whereas, if we consider it, 
which history well warrants us to do, as a part of 
that system which had been pursued by all the Stuart 
Kings, as well prior, as subsequent, to the Resto- 
ration, the lesson which it affords is very different, 
as well as far more instructive. We are taught, 
generally, the dangers Englishmen will always be 
liable to, if, from favour to a Prince upon the 
throne, or from a confidence, however grounded, 
that his views are agreeable to our own notions of 



no HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER the constitution, we, in any considerable degree, abate 

'■ — of that vigilant, and unremitting jealousy of the power 

of the crown, which can alone secure to us the 
effect of those wise laws that have been provided 
for the benefit of the subject ; and still more parti- 
cularly, that it is in vain to think of making a com- 
promise with power, and by yielding to it in other 
points, preserving some favourite object, such, for in- 
stance, as the church in James's case, from its grasp. 
Scottish par- Previous to meeting his English Parliament, James 
April 23. directed a parliament which had been summoned in 
the preceding reign, to assemble at Edinburgh, and 
appointed the Duke of Queensbury his commis- 
sioner. This appointment is, in itself, a strong indi- 
cation, that the King's views, with regard to Scotland 
at least, were similar to those which I have ascribed 
to him in England ; and that they did not at that 
time extend to the introduction of Popery, but were 
altogether directed to the establishment of absolute 
power as the end, and to the support of an episcopal 
church, upon the model of the church of England, 
as the means. For Queensbury had explained himself 
to his Majesty, in the fullest manner, upon the sub- 
ject of religion ; and while he professed himself to be 
ready, (as indeed his conduct in the late reign had 
sufficiently proved,) to go any length in supporting 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 1 1 i 



royal power, and in persecuting the Presbyterians, chapter 

had made it a condition of his services, that he might 

understand from his Majesty, that there was no in- 
tention of changing the established religion ; for if 
such was the object, he could not make any one step 
with him in that matter. James received this decla- 
tion most kindly; assiued him he had no such inten- 
tion, and that he would have a parliament, to which 
he, Queensbury, should go as commissioner; and 
giving all possible assurances in the matter of re- 
ligion, get the revenue to be settled, and such other 
laws to be past, as might be necessary for the pub- 
lick safety. With these promises the Duke was not 
only satisfied at the time, but declared, at a subsequent 
period, that they had been made in so frank and 
hearty a manner, as made him conclude, that it 
was impossible the King should be acting apart. 
And this noblemen was considered, and is handed 
down to us by contemporary writers, as a man of a 
penetrating genius, nor has it ever been the national 
character of the country to which he belonged, to be 
more liable to be imposed upon than the rest of 
mankind. 

The Scottish Parliament met on the 23d of April, TheKing's 
and was opened by the Commissioner, with the 
following letter from the King : 



112 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



CHAPTER 

ir. 



1685. 



*' My Lords and Gentlemen, 

" Tlie many experiences we have had of the loy- 

" alty, and exemplary forwardness of that our ancient 

' kingdom, by their representatives in parliament 

" assembled, in the reign of our deceased, and most 

" entirely beloved brother, of ever blessed memory, 

" made us desirous to call you at this time, in the be- 

" ginning of our reign, to give you an opportunity, 

" not only of shewing your duty to us in the same 

" manner, but likewise of being exemplary to others, 

" in your demonstrations of affection to our person, 

" and compliance with our desires, as you have most 

" eminently been in times past, to a degree never to 

" be forgotten by us, nor, (we hope,) to be contra- 

' ' dieted by your future practices. That which we are 

" at this time to propose unto you is, what is as neces- 

" sary for your safety as our service, and what has a 

" tendency more to secure your own privileges and 

" properties, than the aggrandising our power and 

" authority, (though in it consists the greatest security 

" of your rights and interests, these never having 

" been in danger, except when the royal power was 

*' brought too low to protect them,) which now we 

*' are resolved to maintain in its greatest lustre, to the 

" end we maybe the more enabled to defend and 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 113 

*' protect your religion as established by law; and your chapter 

" rights and properties (which was our design in 

" calling this parliament) against phanatical contri- 
" vances, murderers and assassins, who having no 
" fear of God, more than honour for us, have brought 
*' you into such difficulties, as only the blessing of 
" God upon the steady resolutions, and actings of our 
*' said dearest royal brother, and those employed by 
" him, (in prosecution of the good and wholesome 
" laws, by you heretofore offered,) could have saved 
*' youfrom the most horridconfusions, and inevitable 
" ruin. Nothing has been left unattemptedby those 
" wild, and inhuman traitors, for endeavouring to 
" overturn your peace : and therefore, we have good 
" reason to hope, that nothing will be wanting in 
" you, to secure yourselves and us from their out- 
" rages and violence, in time coming; and to take 
" care that such conspirators meet with their just 
" deservings, so as others may thereby be deterred 
" from courses so little agreeable to religion, or their 
" duty and allegiance to us. These things we consi- 
" dered to be of so great importance to our royal, as 
" well as the universal, interest of that our kingdom, 
" that we were fully resolved, in person, tohavepro- 
" posed the needful remedies to you. But things 
'* having so fallen out, as render this impossible for 
*' us, we have now thought fit, to send our right 



114 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



II. 

1685. 



CHAPTER '' trusty, and right entirely beloved cousin, and coun- 
'* sellor, William Duke of Queensbury, to be our 
" commissioner amongst you; of whose abilities and 
" qualifications we have reason to be fullv satisfied, 
" and of whose faithfulness to us, and zeal for our in- 
" terest, we have had signal proofs, in the times of 
" our greatest difficulties. Him we have fully en- 
" trusted in all things relating to our service, and 
" your own prosperity and happiness, and therefore, 
*' you are to give him entire trust and credit, as you 
" now see we have done, from whose prudence, and 
" your most dutiful affection to us, we have full con- 
" fidence of your entire compliance and assistance in 
" all those matters, wherein he is instructed as afore- 
" said. We do therefore, not only recommend unto 
" you, that such things be done as are necessary in 
" this juncture, for your own peace, and the support 
" of our royal interest, of which we had so much ex- 
" perience when amongst you, that we cannot doubt 
'' of your full and ample expressing the same on this 
" occasion, by which the great concern we have in 
" you, our antient and kindly people, may still in- 
" crease, and you may transmit your loyal actions, 
" (as examples of duty,) to your posterity. In full 
'' confidence whereof we do assure you of our royal 
*' favour and protection, in all your concerns; and 
*' so we bid you heartily farewell." 



1685. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 115 

This letter deserves the more attention, because, as chapter 
the proceedings of the Scotch parliament, according 
to a remarkable expression in the letter itself, were 
intended to be an example to others, there is the 
greatest reason to suppose the matter of it must have 
been maturely weighed and considered. His Ma- 
jesty first compliments the Scotch parliament upon 
their peculiar loyalty, and dutiful behaviour in past 
times, meanings no doubt, to contrast their conduct 
with that of those English parliaments who had 
passed the Exclusion Bill, the Disbanding Act, the 
Habeas Corpus Act, and other measures hostile to 
his favourite principles of government. He states 
the granting of an independant revenue, and the 
supporting the prerogative in its greatest lustre, if 
not the aggrandizing of it, to be necessary for the 
preservation of their religion, established by law, 
(that is the Protestant Episcopacy,) as well as for 
die security of their properties against fanatical as- 
sassins and murderers ; thus emphatically announc- 
ing a complete union of interests between the Crown 
and the Church. He then bestows a complete and 
unqualified approbation of the persecuting measures 
of the last reign, in which he had borne so great a 
share ; and to those measures, and to the steadiness 
withi which they had been persevered in, he ascribes 



J 16 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER the escape of both church and state from the fana- 

. ^ — ticks, and expresses his regret that he could not be 

present, to propose in person, the other remedies of 
a similar nature, which he recommended as needful 
in the present conjuncture. 
Transactions Now, it is proper, in this place, to enquire into 
the nature of the measures thus extolled, as well for 
the purpose of elucidating the characters of the King 
and his Scottish ministers, as for that of rendering 
more intelligible, the subsequent proceedings of the 
parliament, and the other events which soon after 
took place in that kingdom. Some general notions 
may be formed of that course of proceedings, which, 
according to his Majesty's opinion, had been so 
laudably and resolutely pursued during the late 
reign, from the circumstances alluded to in the pre- 
ceding chapter, when it is understood, that the sen- 
tences of Argyle and Laurie of Blackwood were not 
detached instances of oppression, but rather a sample 
of the general system of administration. The cove- 
nant, which had been so solemnly taken by the 
whole kingdom, and, among the rest, by the King 
himself, had been declared to be unlawful, and 
a refusal to abjure it had been made subject to 
the severest penalties. Episcopacy, which was de- 
tested by a great majority of the nation, had been 



OF J AMES THE SECOND. 1 1 7 

established, and all publick exercise of religion, in chapter 

the forms to which the people were most attached, 

had been prohibited. The attendance upon field 
conventicles had been made highly penal, and the 
preaching at them capital ; by which means, accord- 
ing to the computation of a late writer, no less re- 
markable for the accuracy of his facts, than for the 
force and justness of his reasonings, at least seventeen 
thousand persons in one district were involved in 
criminality, and became the objects of persecution. 
After this, letters had been issued by government, 
forbidding the intercommuning with persons who 
had neglected, or refused, to appear before the privy 
council, when cited for the above crimes; a pro- 
ceeding, by which, not only all succour or assist- 
ance to such persons, but, according to the strict 
sense of the word made use of, all intercourse with 
them, was rendered criminal, and subjected him 
who disobeyed the prohibition to the same penal- 
ties, whether capital or others, which were affixed 
to the alledged crimes of the party with whom he 
had intercommuned.* 

These measures not proving effectual for the pur- Measures of 

P 1*11 • 11 persecution. 

pose lor which they were intended, or, as some say, 
the object of Charles the Second's government being 

* Laing's Hist. Vol. IV. 34, 60. 74. Woodrow. 



118 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



CHAPTER to provoke an insurrection, a demand was made 

upoB the landholders, in the district supposed to be 

most disaffected, of bonds, whereby they were to 
become responsible for their wives, families, tenants, 
and servants ; and likewise for the wives, families, 
and servants of their tenants, and finally, for all 
persons living upon their estates ; that they should 
not withdraw from the church, frequent or preach 
at conventicles, nor give any succour, or have any 
intercourse with persons with whom it was forbid- 
den to intercommune ; and the penalties attached 
to the breach of this engagement, the keeping of 
which, was obviously out of the power of him 
who was required to make it, were to be the same 
as those, whether capital or other, to which the 
several persons, for whom he engaged, might be 
liable. The landholders, not being willing to sub- 
scribe to their own destruction, refused to execute 
the bonds, and this was thought sufficient grounds 
for considering the district to which they be- 
longed as in a state of rebellion. English and 
Irish armies were ordered to the frontiers ; a train 
of artillery, and the militia, were sent into the dis- 
trict itself; and six thousand Highlandei s, who were 
let loose upon its inhabitants, to exercise every 
species of pillage and plunder, were connived at, 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 119 

or rather encouraged, in excesses of a still more chapter 
atrocious nature/'' 



The bonds being still refused, the government had writsofLaw 

burrows. 

recourse to an expedient ot a most extraordinary 
nature ; and issued what the Scotch called a writ of 
Lawburrows, against the whole district. This writ of 
Lawburrows is somewhat analogous to what we call 
swearing the peace against any one, and had hitherto 
been supposed, as the other is with us, to be applica- 
ble to the disputes of private individuals, and to the 
apprehensions, which, in consequence of such dis- 
putes, they may mutually entertain of each other. A 
Government swearing the peace against its subjects 
was a new spectacle ; hut if a private subject, under fear 
of another, hatha right to such a security, how much more 
the government itself f was thought an unanswerable 
argument. Such are the sophistries which tyrants 
deem satisfactory. Thus are they willing even to de- 
scend from their loftiness, into the situation of sub- 
jects or private men, when it is for the purpose of 
acquiring additional powers of persecution; and thus 
truly formidable and terrifick are they, when they 
pretend alarm and fear. By these writs, the persons 
against whom they were directed, were bound, as in 
case of the former bonds, to conditions which were 

* Burnet. Woodrow. Laing^ IV* 83. 



1^0 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER not in their power to fulfil, such as the preventing of 

conventicles and the like, under such penalties as the 

privy council might inflict, and a disobedience to 
them was followed by outlawry and confiscation. 
Approved of Thc conduct of the Duke of Lauderdale, who was 
the chief actor in these scenes of violence and ini- 
quity, was completely approved and justified at 
Court ; but, in consequence, probably, of the state of 
politicks in England, at a time when the Whigs were 
strongest in the House of Commons, some of these 
grievances were in part redressed, and the High- 
landers, and writs of Lawburrows were recalled. 
But the country was still treated like a conquered 
country. The Highlanders were replaced by an army 
of five thousand regulars, and garrisons were placed 
in private houses. The persecution of conventicles 
continued ; and ample indemnity was granted for 
every species of violence that might be exercised 
Assassination by tliosc cmploycd to suppress them. In this state 
bishopsharp. of things, the assassination and murder of Sharp, 
Archbishop of St. Andrews, by a troop of fanaticks, 
who had been driven to madness by the oppression 
of Carmichael, one of that prelate's instruments, 
while it gave an additional spur to the vindictive 
temper of the government, was considered by it as a 
justification for every mode and degree of cruelty and 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. l^l 

persecution. The outrage committed by a few indi- chapter 

viduals, was imputed to the whole fanatick sect, as 

the government termed them, or, in other words, to 
a description of people which composed a great ma- 
jority of the population in the low-lands of Scotland ; 
and those who attended field or armed conventicles, 
were ordered to be indiscriminately massacred. 

By such means an insurrection was at last pro- insurrection 
duced, which, from the weakness, or, as some suppose, Bridge. 
from the wicked policy of an administration eager 
for confiscations, and desirous of such a state of the 
country as might, in some measure, justify their 
course of government, *[made such a progress that 
the insurgents] became masters of Glasgow, and the ♦ 
country adjacent. To quell these insurgents, who, 
undisciplined as they were, had defeated Graham, 
afterwards Viscount Dundee, the Duke of Monmouth 
was sent with an army from England ; but, lest the 
generous mildness of his nature should prevail, 
he had sealed orders, which he was not to open 
till in sight of the rebels, enjoining him not to treat 
with them, but to fall upon them, without any pre- 
vious negotiation. In pursuance of these orders, the 
insurgents were attacked at Bothwell Bridge, where, 

* The words between the brackets have been inserted to complete 
the sense, there having been evidently an omission in the manuscript 
copy. E. R 



12^ HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER though they were entirely routed and dispersed, yet, 

because those who surrendered at discretion were 

not put to death, and the army, by the strict enforcing 
of discipline, were prevented from plunder and other 
outrages, it was represented by James, and in some 
degree even by the King, that Monmouth had acted 
as if he had meant rather to put himself at the head 
of the fanaticks than to repel them, and were inclined 
rather to court their friendship than to punish their 
rebellion. All complaints against Lauderdale were 
dismissed ; his power confirmed ; and an act of indem- 
nity, which had been procured at Monmouth's in- 
tercession, was so clogged with exceptions, as to be 
of little use to any but to the agents of tyranny. 
Several persons, who were neither directly, nor indi- 
rectly concerned in the murder of the Archbishop, 
were executed as an expiation for that ojffence;* but 
many more were obliged to compound for their lives, 
by submitting to the most rapacious extortion, which 
at this particular period, seems to have been the 
engine of oppression most in fashion, and which 
was extended, not only to those who had been in 
any way concerned in the insurrection, but to those 
who had neglected to attend the standard of the 
King, when displayed against what was styled, in 

* Laing, IV. 164. Woodrow, II. 87. 90. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 1^3 

the usual insulting language of tyrants, a most unna- chapter 
tural rebellion. — ;: 

1685. 

The quiet produced by such means, was, as might More severe 

, , . 1-' 1 • persecution. 

be expected, of no long duration. Enthusiasm was 
increased by persecution, and the fanatick preachers 
found no difficulty in persuading their flocks, to 
throw off all allegiance to a government which af- 
forded them no protection. The King was declared 
to be an apostate from the Covenant, a tyrant, and an 
usurper ; and Cargill, one of the most enthusiastick 
among the preachers, pronounced a formal sentence 
of excommunication against him, his brother the 
Duke of York, and others, their ministers and abet- 
tors. This outrage upon majesty, together with an 
insurrection, contemptible in point of numbers and 
strength, in which Cameron, another field-preacher, 
had been killed, furnished a pretence which was by 
no means neglected, for new cruelties and execu- 
tions ; but neither death nor torture were sufficient 
to subdue the minds of Cargill, and his intrepid 
followers. They all gloried in their sufferings; nor 
could the meanest of them be brought to purchase 
their lives by a retractation of their principles, or 
even by any expression that might be construed 
into an approbation of their persecutors. The effect 
of this heroick constancy upon the minds of their 



1^4 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER oppressors, was to persuade them not to lessen the 

'■ numbers of executions, but to render them more 

private ;" whereby they exposed the true character 
of their government, which was not severity, but 
violence, not justice, but vengeance : for, example 
being the only legitimate end of punishment, where 
that is likely to encourage, rather than to deter, (as 
the government in these instances seems to have ap- 
prehended,) and consequently to prove more per- 
nicious than salutary, every punishment inflicted by 
the magistrate is cruelty; every execution, murder. 
The rage of punishment did not stop even here: 
but questions were put to persons, and in many in- 
stances to persons under torture, who had not been 
proved to have been in any of the insurrections, 
whether they considered the Archbishop' s assassination as 
murder, the rising at Bothzvell Bridge rebellion, and 
Charles a laxvfid King. The refusal to answer these 
questions, or the answering of them in an unsatis- 
factory manner, was deemed a proof of guilt, and 
immediate execution ensued. 
Act of Sue- These last proceedings had taken place while 
cession an j^^^^^ himself had the government in his hands, and 
under his immediate directions. Not long after, and 
when the Exclusionists in England were supposed 

* Woodrow.II. 189. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 1^5 



to be entirely defeated, was passed, (James being chapter 
the King's commissioner,) the famous Bill of — ■. 

l6S5. 

Succession, declaring that no difference of religion, 
nor any statute or law grounded upon such, or any 
other pretence, could defeat the hereditary right of , 
the heir to the crown, and that to propose any limi- 
tation upon the future administration of such heir, 
was high treason. But the Protestant religion was 
to be secured ; for those who were most obsequious to 
the Court, and the most willing and forward instru- 
ments of its tyranny, were, nevertheless, zealous 
Protestants. A Test was therefore framed for this 
purpose, which was imposed upon all persons ex- 
ercising any civil or military functions whatever, the 
royal family alone excepted ; but to the declaration 
of adherence to the Protestant religion, was added a 
recognition of the King's supremacy in ecclesiastical 
matters, and a complete renunciation in civil con- 
cerns, of every right belonging to a free subject. An 
adherence to the Protestant religion, according to the 
confession of it referred to in the test, seemed to some 
inconsistent with the acknowledgment of the King's 
supremacy, and that clause of the oath which related 
to civil matters, inasmuch as it declared against 
endeavouring at any alteration in the Church or 
State, seemed incompatible with the duties of a 



136 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER counsellor or a member of parliament. Upon these 

grounds the Earl of Argyle, in taking the oath, 

thought fit to declare as follows : 
Argyle con- " 1 havc Considered the test, and I am very 

demned for ^ • l T 

hisexpiana- '« desirous to ffive obedience as far as I can. I am 

tion of the '-' 

Test. 't confident the Parliament never intended to impose 

" contradictory oaths; therefore I think no man can 
" explain it but for himself. Accordingly I take it, 
•' as far as it is consistent with itself, and the Pro- 
" testant religion. And I do declare, that I mean not 
" to bind up myself in my station, and in a lawful 
" way, to wish and endeavour any alteration I think 
" to the advantage of the Church or State, not re- 
" pugnant to the Protestant Religion and my loy- 
*' alty. And this I understand as a part of the 
*' oath." — And for this declaration, though unno- 
ticed at the time, he was in a few days afterwards 
committed, and shortly after sentenced to die.* Nor 
was the test applied only to those for whom it had 
been originally instituted, but by being offered to 
those numerous classes of people who were within 

* The disgusting ease with which James, (in his Memoirs, Mac- 
pherson's State Papers, I. 123) speaks of Argyle's case, his pretence, 
that he put his life in jeopardy only with a view to seize his pro- 
perty, seem to destroy all notions of this Prince's having had any 
honour or conscience; nor after this, can we give much credit to 
the declaration, that Argyle's life was not aimed at. Aole Jrom Mr, 
Fox's Common-Place Book. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 12,7 

the reach of the late severe criminal laws, as an alter- chapter 

native for death or confiscation , it might fairly be said 

to be imposed upon the greater part of the country. 

Not long after these transactions, James took his 
final leave of the government, and in his parting 
speech recommended, in the strongest terms, the 
support of the church. This gracious expression, 
the sincerity of which seemed to be evinced by his 
conduct to the conventiclers, and the severity with 
which he had enforced the test, obtained him a . 
testimonial from the Bishops of his affection to their 
Protestant church; a testimonial, to which, upon the 
principle, that they are the best friends to the church, 
who are most willing to persecute such as dissent 
from it, he was, notwithstanding his own non-con- 
formity, most amply entitled.'' 

Queensberry's administration ensued, in which Queensber- 
the maxims that had guided his predecessors were tfons!" "' 
so far from being relinquished, that they were pur- 
sued, if possible, with greater steadiness and activity. 
Lawrie of Blackwood was condemned for having 
holden intercourse with a rebel, whose name was 
not to be found in any of the lists of the intercom- 
muned or proscribed ; and a proclamation was issued, 
threatening all who were in like circumstances with 
a similar fate. The intercourse with rebels having 

* Burnet. 



1685. 



12,8 . HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER been in great parts of the kingdom promiscuous and 
universal, more than twenty thousand persons were 
objects of this menace.* Fines and extortions of all 
kinds were employed to enrich the publick treasury, 
to which, therefore, the multiplication of crimes be- 
came a fruitful source of revenue; and lest it should 
not be sufficiently so, husbands were made answer- 
able, (and that too with a retrospect,) for the absence 
of their wives from church ; a circumstance which 
the Presbyterian women's aversion to the episcopal 
form of worship, had rendered very general. 4- 
Deciaration This systcm of government, and especially the 
roni."'"*^" rigour with which those concerned in the late in- 
surrections, the excommunication of the King, or 
the other outrages complained of, were pursued and 
hunted, sometimes by blood-hounds, sometimes by 
soldiers almost equally savage, and afterwards shot 
like wild beasts, J drove some of those sectaries who 
were styled Cameronians, and other proscribed per- 
sons, to measures of absolute desperation. They 
made a declaration, which they caused to be affixed 
to different churches, importing, that they would 
use the law of retaliation, and '' we zuilir said they, 
" punish as enemies to God, and to the covenant, such 
" persons as shall make it their zvork to imhrne their 

* Burnet. Laing, 132. + Id. 140. % Woodrow, II. 447. 449- 



Fanaticks. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 139 

** hands in our blood; and chiefly, if they shall continue chapter 

" obstinately, and with habitual malice to proceed against 

'' us;" with more to the like effect,* Upon such an 
occasion, the interference of government became 
necessary. The government did indeed interfere, 
and by a vote of council, ordered, that whoever 
owned, or refused to disown, the Declaration on oath, 
should be put to death, in the presence of two wit- 
nesses, though unarmed when taken. The execu- Massacre of 
tion of this massacre, in the twelve counties which 
were principally concerned, was committed to the 
military, and exceeded, if possible, the order itself. 
The disowning the Declaration was required to be 
in a particular form prescribed. Women, obstinate 
in their fanaticism, lest female blood should be a 
stain upon the swords of soldiers engaged in this 
honourable employment, were drowned. The ha- 
bitations, as well of those who had fled to save 
themselves, as of those who suffered, were burnt 
and destroyed. Such members of the families of 
the delinquents as were above twelve years old, 
were imprisoned for the purpose of being after- 
wards transported. The brutality of the soldiers 
was such as might be expected from an army let 
loose from all restraint, and employed to execute 

* Woodrow, II. Append. 137. 
S 



130 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER the royal justice, as it was called, upon wretches. 

'. Graham, who has been mentioned before, and who, 

under the title of Lord Dundee, a title which was 
probably conferred upon him by James for these 
or similar services, was afterwards esteemed such a 
hero among the Jacobite party, particularly distin- 
guished himself. Of six unarmed fugitives whom 
he seized, he caused four to be shot in his presence, 
nor did the remaining two experience any other 
mercy from him than a delay of their doom; and at 
another time, having intercepted the flight of one of 
these victims, he had him shewn to his family, and 
then murdered in the arms of his wife! The ex- 
ample of persons of such high rank, and who must 
be presumed to have had an education in some de- 
gree correspondent to their station, could not fail of 
operating upon men of a lower order in society. 
The carnage became every day more general and 
more indiscriminate ; and the murder of peasants in 
their houses, or while employed at their usual work 
in the fields, by the soldiers, was not only not 
reproved or punished, but deemed a meritorious 
service by their superiors."^ The demise of King 
Charles, which happened about this time, caused no 
suspension or relaxation in these proceedings, which 

* Burnet. Woodrow. Laing. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 131 

seemed to have been the crowning; measure, as it chapter 

^ II. 
were, or finishing stroke, of that system, for the steady 

perseverance in which James so much admired the 
resolution of his brother. 

It has been judged necessary to detail these transac- observations 
tions, in a manner which may, to some readers, appear 
an impertinent digression from the narrative in which 
this history is at present engaged, in order to set in 
a clearer light, some points of the greatest import- 
ance. In the first place, from the summary review 
of the affairs of Scotland, and from the complacency 
with which James looks back to his own share of 
them, joined to the general approbation he expressed 
of the conduct of Government in that kingdom, we 
may form a pretty just notion, as well of his maxims 
of policy, as of his temper and disposition, in matters onthedis- 
where his bigotry to the Roman Catholick religion James. 
had no share. For it is to be observed, and carefully 
kept in mind, that the church, of which he not only 
recommends the support, but which he showed him- 
self ready to maintain, by the most violent means, is 
the Episcopalian church of the Protestants ; that the 
test which he enforced at the point of the bayonet 
was a Protestant test, so much so indeed, that he him- 
self could not take it ; and that the more marked 
character of the conventicles, the objects of his 



132. HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER persecution, was not so much that of hereticks ex- 

• communicated by the Pope, as of dissenters from the 

church of England, and irreconcileable enemies to 
the Protestant Liturgy and the Protestant Episcopacy. 
But he judged the church of England to be a most fit 
instrument for rendering the monarchy absolute. On 
the other hand, the Presbyterians were thought natu- 
rally hostile to the principles of passive obedience, 
and to one or other, or wuth more probability, to 
both, of these considerations, joined to the natural 
violence of his temper, is to be referred the whole of 
his conduct, in this part of his life, which in this 
view, is rational enough; but on the supposition of 
his having conceived thus early, the intention of in- 
troducing Popery upon the ruins of the church of 
England, is wholly unaccountable, and no less ab- 
surd, than if a general were to put himself to great 
cost and pains to furnish with ammunition, and to 
strengthen with fortifications, a place of which he 
was actually meditating the attack, 
onthepri- Tlic next important observation that occurs, and 
SgoJern- to which evcu they who are most determined to be- 
lieve that this Prince had always Popery in view, 
and held every other consideration as subordinate to 
that primary object, must nevertheless subscribe, is, 
that the most confidential advisers, as well as the 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 155 

most furious supporters, of the measures we have re- chapter 
lated, were not Roman Catholicks. Lauderdale and 

. 1685. 

Queensberry were both Protestants. There is no rea- 
son, therefore, to impute any of James's violence after- 
wards to the suggestions of his Catholick advisers, 
since he who had been engaged in the series of mea- 
sures above related, with Protestant counsellors and 
coadjutors, had surely nothing to learn from Papists, 
(whether priests, Jesuits, or others,) in the science 
of tyranny. Lastly, from this account we are enabled on the state 

r • r 1 roil of Scotland. 

to lorm some notion ot the state of Scotland, at a 
time when the parliament of that kingdom was 
called to set an example for this, and we find it to 
have been a state of more absolute slavery than at 
that time subsisted in any part of Christendom. 

The affairs of Scotland being in the state which we Proceeding* 
have described, it is no wonder that the King's letter Parliament. 
was received with acclamations of applause, and that 
the parliament opened, not only with approbation 
of the government, but even with an enthusiastick 
zeal, to signalize their loyalty, as well by a perfect 
acquiescence to the King's demands, as by the most 
fulsome expressions of adulation. " What Prince in 
" Europe, or in the whole world'' said the Chancellor 
Perth, '* was ever like the late King, except his present 
** Majesty, who had undergone every trial of prosperity 



134 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER " and adversity, and whose unwearied clemency was 
. ** not among the least conspicuous of his virtues^ To 

" advance his honour and greatness, was the duty of 
*' all his subjects, and ought to be the endeavour of 
" their lives without reserve.'' The Parliament voted 
an address, scarcely less adulatory than the Chan- 
cellor's speech. 

" May it please your Sacred Majesty, 

" Your Majesty's gracious and kind remembrance 
" of the services done by this, your ancient kingdom, 
" to the late King your brother, of ever glorious 
*' memory, shall rather raise in us ardent desires to 
** exceed whatever we have done formerly, than 
*' make us consider them as deserving the esteem 
*' your Majesty is pleased to express of them in 
•' your Letter to us, dated the twenty-eighth of March. 
" The death of that our excellent Monarch is la- 
^' mented by us to all the degrees of grief that are 
" consistent with our great joy for the succession of 
" your Sacred Majesty, who has not only continued, 
" but secured the happiness, which his wisdom, his 
"justice, and clemency procured to us: and having 
*• the honour to be the first Parliament which meets 
*' by your Royal Authority, of which we are very 
*^ sensible, your Majesty may be confident, that we 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 135 



*^ will offer such laws as may best secure your chapter 

" Majesty's sacred person, the royal family, and 

" government, and be so exemplary loyal, as to 
*' raise your honour and greatness to the utmost of 
" our power, which we shall ever esteem both our 
" duty and interest. Nor shall we leave any thing 
" undone for extirpating all fanaticism, but espe- 
*' cially those fanatical murtherers and assassins, and 
*' for detecting and punishing the late conspirators, 
" whose pernicious and execrable designs did so 
" much tend to subvert your Majesty's government, 
** and ruin us and all your Majesty's faithful subjects. 
" We can assure your Majesty, that the subjects of 
" this your Majesty's ancient kingdom are so desi- 
" rous to exceed all their predecessors in extraor- 
*' dinary marks of affection and obedience to your 
*' Majesty, that, (God be praised,) the only way to 
*' be popular with us, is to be eminently loyal. 
*' Your Majesty's care of us, when you took us 
*' to be your special charge, your wisdom in extin- 
" guishing the seeds of rebellion and faction amongst 
** us, your justice, which was so great, as to be for 
*' ever exemplary, but above all, your Majesty's 
*' free and cheerful securing to us our religion, 
*' when you were the late King's, your Royal Bro- 
*' ther's Commissioner, now again renewed, when 



l6«5. 



136 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER ** you are our Sovereign, are what your subjects 
*' here can never forget, and therefore your Majesty 
" may expect that we will think your coramands 
*' sacred as your person, and that your inclination 
" will prevent our debates; nor did ever any who 
*' represented our Monarchs as their Commissioners, 
*' (except your royal self,) meet with greater re- 
*' spect, or more exact observance from a Parlia- 
*' ment, than the Duke of Queensberry, (whom your 
*• Majesty has so wisely chosen to represent you in 
** this, and of whose eminent loyalty, and great 
" abilities in all his former employments, this nation 
" hath seen so many proofs,) shall find from 

*' May it please your Sacred Majesty, 

*' your Majesty's most humble, most faithful, and 

" most obedient subjects and servants, 

*' PERTH, Cancell." 

itstyranni- Nqf was this Spirit of loyalty, (as it was then 
called,) of abject slavery, and unmanly subservience 
to the will of a despot, as it has been justly denomi- 
nated by the more impartial judgment of posterity, 
confined to words only. Acts were passed to ratify 
all the late judgments, however illegal or iniquitous, 
to indemnify the privy council, judges, and all 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. IS 7 

officers of the Crown, civil or military, for all the chapter 

violences they had committed ; to authorize the '■ — 

privy council to impose the test upon all ranks of 
people under such penalties as that board might think 
fit to impose ; to extend the punishment of death, 
which had formerly attached upon the preachers at 
field conventicles only, to all their auditors, and like- 
wise to the preachers at house conventicles ; to sub- 
ject to the penalties of treason, all persons who should 
give, or take the covenant, or write in defence there- 
of, or in any other way own it to be obligatory; and 
lastly, in a strain of tyranny, for which there was, it 
is believed, no precedent, and which certainly has 
never been surpassed, to enact, that all such persons 
as, being cited in cases of high treason, field or house 
conventicles, or church irregularities, should refuse 
to give testimony, should be liable to the punish- 
ment due by law to the criminals against whom they 
refused to be witnesses. It is true that an act was also 
passed, for confirming all former statutes in favour 
of the Protestant religion as then established, in 
their whole strength and tenour, as if they were par- 
ticularly set down and expressed in the said act; 
but when we recollect the notions which Queens- 
berry at that time entertained of the King's views, 
this proceeding forms no exception to the general 

T 



138 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER system of servility which characterized both mini- 

'. — sters and parliament. All matters in relation to 

revenue were of course settled in the manner most 
agreeable to his Majesty's wishes, and the recom- 
mendation of his Commissioner. 
Cruelty of While the legislature was doing its part, the execu- 

Government. 

tive government was not behind hand in pursuing the 
system which had been so much commended. A re- 
fusal to abjure the Declaration in the terms prescribed, 
was every where considered as sufficient cause for 
immediate execution. In one part of the country, 
information having been received, that a corpse had 
been clandestinely buried, an enquiry took place : it 
was dug up, and found to be that of a person pro- 
scribed. Those who had interred him, were sus- 
pected, not of having murdered, but of having 
harboured him. For this crime, their house was de- 
stroyed; and the women and children of the family 
being driven out to wander as vagabonds, a young 
man belonging to it was executed by the order of 
Johnston of Westerraw. Against this murder even 
Graham himself is said to have remonstrated, but was 
content with protesting, that the blood was not upon 
his head ; and not being able to persuade a Highland 
officer to execute the order of Johnston, ordered his 
own men to shoot the unhappy victim.* In another 

* Woodrow, II. 507. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 139 

county, three females, one of sixty-three years of chapter 

age, one of eighteen, and one of twelve, were charged 

with rebellion; and refusing to abjure the Declara- 
tion, were sentenced to be drowned. The last was 
let off, upon condition of her father's giving a bond 
for a hundred pounds. The elderly woman, who is re* 
presented as a person of eminent piety, bore her fate 
with the greatest constancy, nor does it appear that 
her death excited any strong sensations in the minds 
of her savage executioners. The girl of eighteen Was 
more pitied; and after many entreaties, and having 
been once under water, was prevailed upon to utter 
some words, which might be fairly construed into 
blessing the King, a mode of obtaining pardon not 
unfrequent in cases where the persecutors were in- 
clined to relent. Upon this it was thought she was 
safe ; but the merciless barbarian who superintended 
this dreadful business, was not satisfied; and upon her 
refusing the abjuration, she was again plunged into 
the water, where she expired.* It is to be remarked, 
that being at Bothwell-bridge and Air's-moss were 
among the crimes stated in the indictment of all the 
three, though, wlien the last of these affairs happened, 
one of the girls was only thirteen, and the other not 
eight years of age. At the time of the Bothwell* 

* Woodrow, II. 506. 



140 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER bridge business, they were still younger. To recite 
„ — all the instances of cruelty which occurred, would be 
endless ; but it may be necessary to remark, that no 
historical facts are better ascertained than the ac- 
counts of them which are to be found in Woodrow. 
In every instance where there has been an oppor- 
tunity of comparing these accounts with records, and 
other authentick monuments, they appear to be quite 
correct. 
English Par- The Scottish Parliament having thus set, as they 
May 15. had bccn required to do, an eminent example of 
what was then thought duty to the Crown, the King 
met his English Parliament, on the 19th of May, 
1685, and opened it with the following speech: 

" My Lords and Gentlemen, 

" After it pleased Almighty God, to take to his 
" mercy the late King my dearest brother, and to 
* ' bring me to the peaceable possession of the Throne 
*' of my ancestors, I immediately resolved to call a 
" Parliament, as the best means to settle every thing 
" upon those foundations, as may make my reign 
" both easy and happy to you ; towards which, I am 
" disposed to contribute all that is fit for me to do. 

" What I said to my Privy Council, at my first 
" coming there, I am desirous to renew to you; 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 141 

' wherein I fully declare my opinion concerning the chapter 

' principles of the church of England, whose mem 

' bers have shewed themselves so eminently loyal 
' in the worst of times, in defence of my father, and 
' support of my brother, (of blessed memory,) that 
' I will always take care to defend and support it. 
' I will make it my endeavour to preserve this go- 
' vernment, both in church and state, as it is by law 
' established : And as I will never depart from the 
' just rights and prerogatives of the Crown, so I will 
' never invade any man's property; and you may be 
' sure, that having heretofore ventured my life in 
' the defence of this nation, I will still go as far as 
' any man in preserving it in all its just rights and 
' liberties. 

" And having given this assurance concerning the 
' care I will have of your religion and property, 
' which I have chose to do, in the same words which 
' I used at my first coming to the Crown, the better 
' to evidence to you, that I spoke them not by chance, 
' and consequently, that you may firmly rely upon a 
' promise so solemnly made, I cannot doubt that I 
' shall fail of suitable returns from you, with all imagi- 
' nable duty and kindness on your part, and particu- 
' larly to what relates to the settling of my revenue, 
' and continuing it, during my life, as it was in the 



1685. 



142 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER " lifetime of my brother. I might use many argu- 

'■ — " ments to enforce this demand, for the benefit of 

" trade, the support of the navy, the necessity of the 
' ' Crown , and the well-being of the government itself, 
" which I must not suJfiFer to be precarious: but I 
" am confident, your own consideration of what is 
" just and reasonable, will suggest to you whatsoever 
" might be enlarged upon this occasion. 

" There is one popular argument, whicli, I fore- 
" see, may be used against what I ask of you, from 
" the inclination men have for frequent parliaments ; 
" which some may think would be the best security, 
" by feeding me, from time to time, by such propor- 
" tions as they shall think convenient: And this ar- 
*' gument, it being the first time I speak to you from 
" the Throne, I will answer once for all, that this 
*' would be a very improper method to take with 
" me ; and that the best way to engage me to meet 
" you often, is always to use me well. 

" I expect therefore, that you will comply with 
*' me in what I have desired, and that you will do it 
*' speedily; that this may be a short session, and 
/' that we may meet again to all our satisfactions.'* 

" My Lords and Gentlemen, 
" I must acquaint you, that I have had news this 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 143 

" morning from Scotland, that Argyle is landed in chapter 

'* the West Highlands, with the men he brought 

" with him from Holland: That there are two De- 
' ' clarations published ; one in the name of all those 
" in arms, the other in his own. It would be too 
" long for me to repeat the substance of them; it is 
" sufficient to tell you, I am charged with usurpation 
" and tyranny. The shorter of them I have directed 
" to be forthwith communicated to you. 

" I will take the best care I can, that this Decla- 
*' ration of their own faction and rebellion may meet 
" with the reward it deserves: and I will not doubt 
" but you will be the more zealous to support the 
*' government, and give me my revenue as I have 
^' desired it, without delay." 

The repetition of the words made use of in his TheKin^-s 
first speech to the privy council, shews, that in the amined. 
opinion of the Court at least, they had been well 
chosen, and had answered their purpose ; and even 
the haughty language which was added, and was 
little less than a menace to parliament, if it should 
not comply with his wishes, was not, as it appears, 
unpleasing to the party which at that time prevailed, 
since the revenue enjoyed by his predecessor, was 
u^nanimously, and almost immediately, voted to him 



1685. 



144 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER for life. It was not remarked, in publick at least, 
that the King's threat of governing without par- 
liament, was an unequivocal manifestation" of his 
contempt of the law of the country, so distinctly 
established, though so ineffectually secured, by the 
statute of the 1 6th of Charles the Second, for holding 
triennial parliaments. It is said, Lord Keeper Guild- 
ford had prepared a different speech for his Majesty, 
but that this was preferred, as being the King's own 
words;* and, indeed that part of it, in which he says 
that he must answer once for all, that the Commons' 
giving such proportions as they might think conve- 
nient, would be a very improper way with him, 
bears, as well as some others, the most evident 
marks of its royal origin. It is to be observed, 
however, that in arguing for his demand, as he 
styles it, of revenue, he says, not that the parliament 
ought not, but that he must not suffer the well-being 
of the government depending upon such revenue, 
to be precarious; whence it is evident, that he inr 
tended to have it understood, that, if the parliament 
did not grant, he purposed to levy a revenue without 
their consent. It is impossible that any degree of 
party spirit should so have blinded men, as to prevent 
them from perceiving, in this speech, a determination 

* Life of Lord Keeper North. Ralph. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 145 

on the part of the King, to conduct his government chapter 

upon the principles of absolute monarchy, and to 

those who were not so possessed with the love of 
royalty, which creates a kind of passionate affection 
for whoever happens to be the wearer of the Crown, 
the vindictive manner in which he speaks of Argyle's 
invasion, might afford sufficient evidence of the 
temper in which his power would be administered. 
In that part of his speech he first betrays his personal 
feelings towards the unfortunate nobleman, whom, 
in his brother's reign, he had so cruelly and treache- 
rously oppressed, by dwelling upon his being 
charged by Argyle with tyranny and usurpation, 
and then declares, that he will take the best care, 
not according to the usual phrases, to protect the loyal 
and well disposed, and to restore tranquillity, but that 
the Declaration of the factious and rebellious may 
meet with the reward it deserves ; thus marking out 
revenge and punishment as the consequences of 
victory, upon which he was most intent. 

It is impossible, that in a House of Commons, proceed 
however composed, there should not have been 
many members who disapproved the principles of 
government announced in the speech, and who 
were justly alarmed at the temper in which it was 
conceived. But these, overpowered by numbers, 



mgs 
of Parlia- 
ment. 



146 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER and perhaps afraid of the imputation of being con- 

^ — '- cerned in plots and insurrections, (an imputation 

which , if they had shewn any spirit of liberty, would 
most infallibly have been thrown on them,) declined 
expressing their sentiments; and, in the short session 
which followed, there was an almost uninterrupted 
unanimity in granting every demand, and acquies- 
cing in every wish of the Government. The revenue 
was granted, without any notice being taken of the 
illegal manner in which the King had levied it 
upon his own authority. Argyle was stigmatised 
as a traitour; nor was any desire expressed to examine 
his Declarations, one of which seemed to be pur- 
posely withheld from parliament. Upon the com- 
munication of the Duke of Monmouth's landing in 
the West, that nobleman was immediately attainted 
by bill. The King's assurance was recognized as a 
sufficient security for the national religion ; and the 
liberty of the press was destroyed by the revival 
of the statute of the 1 3 th and 14th of Charles the 
Second. This last circumstance, important as it is, 
does not seem to have excited much attention at the 
time, which, considering the general principles then 
in fashion, is not surprising. That it should have 
been scarcely noticed by any historian, is more won- 
derful. It is true, however, that the terrour inspired 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 147 

by the late prosecutions for libels, and the violent chapter 

conduct of the courts upon such occasions, rendered 

a formal destruction of the liberty of the press a mat- 
ter of less importance. So little does the magistracy, 
when it is inclined to act tyrannically, stand in need 
of tyrannical laws to effect its purpose. The bare 
silence and acquiescence of the legislature is, in such 
a case, fully sufficient to annihilate, practically speak- 
ing, every right and liberty of the subject. 

As the grant of revenue was unanimous, so there Misrepreseu- 

- 11 1 • 1 • 1 tation of Mr. 

does not appear to have been any thing which can Hume's. 
justly be styled a debate upon it; though Hume em- 
ploys several pages in giving the arguments which, 
he affirms, were actually made use of, and, as he gives 
us to understand, in the House of Commons, for and 
against the question; arguments which, on both sides, 
seem to imply a considerable love of freedom, and 
jealousy of royal power, and are not wholly unmixed 
even, with some sentiments disrespectful to the King. 
Now I cannot find, either from tradition, or from con- 
temporary writers, any ground to think, that, either 
the reasons which Hume has adduced, or indeed any 
other, were urged in opposition to the grant. The Mr. sey- 
only speech made upon, the occasion, seems to have 3y7peech 
been that of Mr. (afterwards Sir Edwardv) Seymour, '" °pp°''''°"* 
who, though of the Tory party , a strenuous, opposer 



148 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER of the Exclusion Bill, and in general, supposed to 
— have been an approver, if not an adviser, of the tyran- 
nical measures of the late reign, has the merit of 
having stood forward singly, to remind the House of 
what they owed to themselves and their constituents. 
He did not, however, directly oppose the grant, but 
stated, that the elections had been carried on under 
so much court influence, and in other respects so 
illegally, that it was the duty of the House first to 
ascertain, who were the legal members, before they 
proceeded to other business of importance. After 
having pressed this point, he observed, that, if ever 
it were necessary to adopt such an order of proceed- 
ing, it was more peculiarly so now, when the laws and 
religion of the nation were in evident peril; that the 
aversion of the English people to Popery, and their 
attachment to the laws, were such, as to secure these 
blessings from destruction by any other instrumen- 
tality than that of parliament itself, which, however, 
might be easily accomplished, if there were once a 
parliament entirely dependant upon the persons 
who might harbour such designs; that it was already 
rumoured that the Test, and Habeas Corpus Acts, 
the two bulwarks of our religion and liberties, were 
to be repealed; that what he stated was so notorious 
as to need no proof. Having descanted with force 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 149 



and ability upon these, and other topicks of a simi- chapter 

lar tendency, he urged his conclusion, that the ques- 

tion of royal revenue ought not to be the nrst business 
of the parliament.* Whether, as Burnet thinks, be- 
cause he was too proud to make any previous com- 
munication of his intentions, or that the strain of his 
argument was judged to be too bold for the times, 
this speech, whatever secret approbation it might 
excite, did not receive from any quarter either ap- 
plause or support. Under these circumstances it 
was not thought necessary to answer him, and the 
grant was voted unanimously, without further dis- 
cussion. 

As Barillon, in the relation of parliamentary pro* 
ceedings, transmitted by him to his Court, in which 
he appears at this time to have been very exact, gives 
the same description of Seymour's speech and its 
eJBFects, with Burnet, there can be little doubt but 
their account is correct. It will be found as well in 
this, as in many other instances, that an unfortunate 
inattention, on the part of the reverend historian, 
to forms, has made his veracity unjustly called in 
question. He speaks of Seymour's speech as if it 
had been a motion in the technical sense of the 
word, for enquiring into the elections, which had no 

* Barillon's Dispatches, June Sd, and 4th, Appendix. Burnet, H. 321. 



150 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER effect. Now no traces remaining; of such a motion, 

II. . . 
. and, on the other hand, the elections having been 

at a subsequent period inquired into, Ralph almost 
pronounces the whole account to be erroneous ; 
whereas the only mistake consists in giving the 
name of motion to a suggestion, upon the question of 
a grant. It is whimsical enough, that it should be 
from the account of the French ambassadour, that we 
are enabled to reconcile to the records, and to the 
forms of the English House of Commons, a relation 
made by a distinguished member of the English 
House of Lords. Sir John Reresby does indeed say, 
that among the gentlemen of the House of Commons 
whom he accidently met, they in general seemed 
willing to settle a handsome revenue upon the King, 
and to give him money; but whether their grant 
should be permanent, or only temporary, and to be 
renewed from time to time by parliament, that the 
nation might be often consulted, was the question.'"^ 
But besides the looseness of the expression, which 
may only mean that the point was questionable, it is 
to be observed, that he does not relate any of the ar- 
guments which were brought, forward even in the 
private conversations to which he refers; and when 
he afterwards gives an account of what passed in the 

* Reresby's Memoirs, 192. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 151 

House of Commons, (where he was present,) he does chapter 
not hint at any debate having; taken place, but — — — 
rather implies the contrary. 

This misrepresentation df Mr. Hume's is of no 
small importance, inasmuch as, by intimating that 
such a question could be debated at all, and much 
more, that it was debated with the enlightened viewSj 
and bold topicks of argument with which his genius 
has supplied him, he gives us a very false notion of 
the character of thd parliament, and of the times 
which he is describing. It is not improbable, that 
if the arguments had been used, which this historian 
supposes, the utterer of them would have beefi ex- 
pelled, or sent to the ToWer; and it h certain, that he 
would tiot have been heard with any degree of atieri- 
tiori, or even patience. 

The unanimous vote for trusting the safety of re- votes con- 
ligion to the King's Declaration, passed not withc^t gion. 
observation; the rights of the church of England 
being the only point upon which, at this tiiiie, th^ 
parliament 'were in any degree jealous of the toyul 
power. The comffiiftee of religion had votedf Uhdini^ 
mously, " That it is the opinioTi of the commkt^€, 
* ' that this House will stand by his Majiesty wMh 
** their livesand^ fortunes, accoif ding to their bounden 
** duty and allegiance, in defence of the reformed 



1685. 



155 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER " Church of England, as it is now by law esta- 

" blished; and that an humble address be presented 

" to his Majesty, to desire him to issue forth his 
'' Royal Proclamation, to cause the penal laws to be 
'' put in execution against all dissenters from the 
" Church of England whatsoever." But upon the 
report of the House, the question of agreeing with 
the committee was evaded by a previous question, 
and the House, with equal unanimity, resolved, ' ' That 
" this House doth acquiesce, and entirely rely, and 
•' rest wholly satisfied, on his Majesty's gracious 
" word, and repeated declaration to support and de- 
" fend the religion of the Church of England, as it 
" is now by law established, which is dearer to us 
" than our lives." Mr.Echard, and Bishop Kennet, 
two writers of different principles, but both church- 
men, assign, as the motive of this vote, the unwil- 
lingness of the party then prevalent in parliament, 
to adopt severe measures against the Protestant dis- 
senters ; but in this notion they are by no means 
supported by the account, imperfect as it is, which 
Sir John Reresby gives of the debate ; for he makes 
no mention of tenderness towards dissenters, but 
states, as the chief argument against agreeing with the 
committee, that it might excite a jealousy of the King;* 

♦Echard. Kennet, 441. Reresby, 198. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 153 



and Barillon expressly says, that the first vote chapt 

gave great offence to the King, still more to the 

Qiieen, and that orders were, in consequence, issued 
to the court members of the House of Commons, 
to devise some means to get rid of it/'' Indeed, 
the general circumstances of the times are de- 
cisive against the hypothesis of the two reverend 
historians; nor is it, as far as I know, adopted by 
any other historians. The probability seems to be, that 
the motion in the committee had been originally sug- 
gested by some Whig member, who could not, with 
prudence, speak his real sentiments openly, and who 
thought to embarrass the government, by touching 
upon a matter, where the union between the church 
party and the King, would be put to the severest 
test. The zeal of the Tories for persecution, made 
them at first give into the snare; but when, upon 
reflection, it occurred, that the involving of the Ca- 
tholicks in one common danger with the Protestant 
dissenters, must be displeasing to the King, they 
drew back without delay, and passed the most com- 
prehensive vote of confidence, which James could 
desire.t 

* Vide Barillon's letter, Appendix. 

+ A most curious instance of the circuitous mode, and deep devices 
to which the Whigs, if they wished at this time to oppose the Court, 

X 



Ell 



Person. 



154 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER Further to manifest their servility to the King, 

as well as their hostility to every principle, that 

Bill for the could by implication be supposed to be connected 

Preservation ' ^ ^ ^ 

^™*!1^"^' with Monmouth or his cause, the House of Commons 
passed a Bill for the Preservation of his Majesty's 
Person, in which, after enacting that a written or 
verbal declaration of a treasonable intention, should 
be tantamount to a treasonable act, they inserted two 
remarkable clauses, by one of which, to assert the 
legitimacy of Monmouth' s birth — by the other, to propose 
in parliament any alteration in the succession oj the Crown , 
were made likewise high treason. We learn from 
Burnet,* that the first part of this bill was strenuously 

were obliged to resort, is a scheme wliich seems to have been seriously 
entertained by them, of moving to disqualify from office all persons 
who had voted for the exclusion. Disqualification from offices, which 
they had no means of obtaining, was to them of no importance, and by 
obliging theKing to removeGodolphin, and more especially Sunderland, 
they might put the Court to considerable difficulties. Vide Appendix. 
* Ralph unjustly accuses Burnet of inaccuracy on this occasion, and 
asserts, " That unfortunately for us, or this Right Reverend author, 
" there is not the least trace of any such bill to be found in any of the 
" accounts of this parliament extant ; and therefore we are under a 
" necessity to suppose, that if any such clause was offered, it was by 
" way of supplement to the bill for the preservation of his Majesty's 
" person and government, which, no doubt, was strict enough, and 
" which passed the House of Commons while Monmouth was in arms, 
" just before the adjournment, but never reached the Lords." II. QH. 
Now the enactment to which the Bishop alludes, was not, as Ralph 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 155 



and warmly debated, and that it was chiefly opposed chapter 

by Sergeant Maynard, whose arguments made some 

impression even at that time; but whether the Ser- 
geant was supported in his opposition, as the word 
chiefly would lead us io imagine, or if supported, by 
whom, that historian does not mention; and unfor- 
tunately, neither of Maynard's speech itself, nor 
indeed of any opposition whatever to the bill, is 
there any other trace to be found. The crying in- 
justice of the clause, which subjected a man to the 
pains of treason, merely for delivering his opinion 
upon a controverted fact, though he should do no act 
in consequence of such opinion, was not, as far as 
we are informed, objected to, or at all noticed, unless 
indeed the speech above alluded to, in which the 

supposes, a supplement to the bill for the preservation of his Majesty's 
person, but made part of the very first clause of it ; and the only inac- 
curacy, if indeed it deserves that name, of which Burnet is guilty, is 
that of calling the bill what it really was, a bill for Declaring Treasons, 
and not giving it its formal title of a Bill for the Preservation of his 
Majesty's Person, 8cc. The bill is fortunately preserved among the 
papers of the House of Commons, and as it is not, as far as I know, any 
where in print, I have subjoined it in my Appendix. Perhaps some per- 
sons might think it more discreet, to leave such a production in obscur 
rity, lest it should ever be made use of as a precedent; but whoever 
peruses with attention some of our modern statutes, will perceive, that 
though not adduced as a precedent, on account, perhaps, of the inauspi- 
cious reign in which it made its appearance, it has but too ^ten been 
used as a model. 



156 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER Speaker is said to have descanted upon the general 
'■ — danger of making words treasonable, be supposed 

1685. , , , . T 

to have been applied to this clause, as well as to the 
former part of the bill. That the other clause should 
have passed without opposition, or even observa- 
tion, must appear still more extraordinary, when we 
advert, not only to the nature of the clause itself, 
but to the circumstances of there being actually in 
the House, no inconsiderable number of members 
who had, in the former reign, repeatedly voted for 
the Exclusion Bill. 
soiicitudefor It is worthy of noticc, however, that, while every 

the church of ..,p..,.. , , 

England. principle or criminal jurisprudence , and every regard 
to th^ fundamental rights of the deliberative assem- 
blies, which make part of the legislature of the nation, 
were thus shamelessly sacrificed to the eagerness 
which, at this disgraceful period, so generally pre- 
vailed, of manifesting loyalty, or rather abject servi- 
lity to the Sovereign, there still remained no small 
degree of tenderness for the interests and safety of 
the church of England, and a sentiment approaching 
to jealousy upon any matter which might endanger, 
even by the most remote consequences, or put any 
restriction upon her ministers. With this view, as one 
part of the bill did not relate to treasons only, but im- 
posed new penalties upon such as should by writing, 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 157 

printing, preaching, or other speaking, attempt to chapter 

bring the King or his government into hatred or — 

contempt, there was a special proviso added, " that 
" the asserting, and maintaining by any writing, 
" printing, preaching, or any other speaking, the 
" doctrine, discipline, divine worship, or govern- 
" merit of the church of England as it is now by law 
*' established, against Popery or any other different 
'' or dissenting opinions, is not intended, and shall 
" not be interpreted, or construed to be any offence 
" within the words or meaning of this act."'" It 
cannot escape the reader, that only such attacks upon 
Popery as were made in favour of the doctrine and 
discipline of the church of England, and no other, 
were protected by this proviso, and consequently 
that, if there were any real occasion for such a guard, 
all Protestant dissenters who should write or speak 
against the Roman superstition, were wholly unpro- 
tected by it, and remained exposed to the danger, 
whatever it might be, from which the church was so 
anxious to exempt her supporters. 

This Bill passed the House of Commons, and was TheBiii 
sent up to the House of Lords on the 30th of June, "''"p"'"''^' 
It was read a first time on that day, but the adjourn- 
ment of both houses taking place on the 2d of July, 

* Vide Bill for the Preservation, 8cc. Appendix. 



158 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER it could not make any further progress at that time ; 

and when the parliament met afterwards in autumn, 

there was no longer that passionate affection for the 
monarch, nor consequently that ardent zeal for ser- 
vitude, which were necessary to make a law with such 
clauses and provisos, palatable or even endurable. 

It is not to be considered as an exception to the 
general complaisance of Parliament, that the Speaker, 
when he presented the Revenue Bill, made use of 
some strong expressions, declaring the attachment of 
the Commons to the national religion.'' Such senti- 
ments could not be supposed to be displeasing to 
James, after the assurances he had given of his regard 
for the church of England. Upon this occasion his 
Majesty made the following speech: 

** My Lords and Gentlemen, 

Speech on " I thauk you very heartily for the bill you have 

RevTrfueBiu. " presented me this day; and I assure you, the readi- 

" ness and cheerfulness that has attended the dis- 

" patch of it, is as acceptable to me as the bill itself. 

* " The Commons of England have here presented your Majesty 
" with the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage, with all readiness and cheer- 
" fulness; and that without any security for their religion, though it be 
*' dearer to them than their lives, relying wholly on your royal word fo*- 
" the security of it ; and humbly beseech your Majesty to accept this 
" their offer," 8cc. Kennet, II. 427. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 159 

*' After so happy a beginning, you may believe I chapter 

' would not call upon you unnecessarily for an ex- 

' traordinary supply: but when I tell you, that the 
' stores of the navy and ordnance are extremely 
' exhausted ; that the anticipations upon several 
' branches of the revenue aregreatandburthensome; 
' that the debts of the King my brother, to his ser- 
' vants and family, are such as deserve compassion; 
' that the rebellion in Scotland, without putting 
' more weight upon it than it really deserves, must 
' oblige me to a considerable expense extraordi- 
' nary: I am sure, such considerations will move 
' you to give me an aid to provide for those things, 
' wherein the security, the ease, and the happiness 
' of my government are so much concerned. But 
' above all, I must recommend to you the care of 
' the Navy, the strength and glory of this nation ; 
' that you will put it into such a condition, as may 
' make us considered and respected abroad. I can- 
' not express my concern, upon this occasion, more 
' suitable to my own thoughts of it, than by assur- 
' ing you, I. have a true English heart, as jealous of 
' the honour of the nation as you can be ; and I 
' please myself with the hopes, that, by God's bless- 
' ing, and your assistance, I may carry the reputa- 
' tion of it yet higher in the world, than ever it has 



1685. 



160 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER " been in the time of any of my ancestors ; and as I 
= will not call upon you for supplies, but when they 
'■ are of publick use and advantage ; so I promise 
' you, that what you give me upon such occasions, 
shall be managed with good husbandry; and I will 
take care, it shall be employed to the uses for 
which I ask them." 



sented by hiS' 
torians, 



Misrepre- Rapln, Hume, and Ralph, observe upon this speech, 
that neither the generosity of the Commons' grant, 
nor the confidence they expressed upon religious 
matters, could extort a kind word in favour of their 
religion. But this observation, whether meant as a 
reproach to him for his want of gracious feeling to 
a generous Parliament, or as an oblique compliment 
to his sincerity, has no force in it. His Majesty's 
speech was spoken immediately upon passing the 
bills which the Speaker presented, and he could 
not therefore take notice of the Speaker's words, 
unless he had "Spoken extempore; for the custom is 
not, nor I believe ever was, for the Speaker to give, 
beforehand, copies of addresses of this nature. James 
would not certainly have scrupled to repeat the 
assurances which he had so lately made in favour of 
the Protestant religion, as he did not scruple to talk 
of his true English heart, honour of the nation, &c. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 161 

at a time when he was engaged with France; but the chapter 

speech was prepared for an answer to a money bill, 

not for a question of the Protestant religion and 
church, and the false professions in it are adapted to 
what was supposed to be the only subject of it. 

The only matter in which the Kind's views were Reversal of 

^ ° Stafford's at- 

in any degree thwarted, was the reversal of Lord fainder re- 
Stafford's attainder, which, having passed the House 
of Lords, not without opposition, was lost in the 
House of Commons; a strong proof that the Popish 
plot was still the subject upon which the opposers 
of the Court had most credit with the publick. Mr. 
Hume, notwithstanding his just indignation at the 
condemnation of Stafford, and his general inclina- 
tion to approve of royal politicks, most unaccount- 
ably justifies the Commons in their rejection of this 
bill, upon the principle of its being impolitick at 
that time to grant so full a justification of the Catho- 
licks, and to throw so foul an imputation upon the 
Protestants. Surely if there be one moral duty that 
is binding upon men in all times, places, and cir- 
cumstances, and from which no supposed views 
of policy can excuse them, it is that of granting 
a full justification to the innocent; and such Mr. 
Hume considers the Catholicks, and especially Lord 
Stafford, to have been. The only rational way of 



162, HISTORY OF I'HE REIGN 

CHAPTER accounting for this solitary instance of non-com- 

— pliance on the part of the Commons, is either to 

suppose that they still believed in the reality of the 
Popish plot, and Stafford's guilt, or that the church 
party, which was uppermost, had such an antipathy 
to Popery, as indeed to every sect, whose tenets 
differed from theirs, that they deemed every thing 
lawful against its professors. 
Parliament ^^ ^^^ ^^ of Ju^X' Parliament was adjourned for 
adjourned, ^j^^ purpose of enabling the principal gentlemen to 
be present in their respective counties, at a time 
when their services and influence might be so 
necessary to government. It is said that the House 
of Commons consisted of members so devoted to 
James, that he declared there were not forty in it, 
whom he would not himself have named. But 
although this may have been true, and though from 
the new-modelling of the corporations, and the in- 
terference of the court in elections, this Parliament, 
as far as regards the manner of its being chosen, was 
by no means a fair representative of the legal elec- 
tors of England, yet there is reason to think that it 
afforded a tolerably correct sample of the disposition 
of the nation, and especially of the church party, 
which was then uppermost. 

The general character of the party at this time, 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. I6.'i 

appears to have been a high notion of the King's chapter 

constitutional power, to which was superadded, a 

kind of religious abhorrence of all resistance to the character of 

^ ^ , ihe church 

Monarch, not only in cases where such resistance p^ny. 
was directed against the lawful prerogative, but 
even in opposition to encroachments, which the 
Monarch might make beyond the extended limits 
which they assigned to his prerogative. But these te- 
nets, and still more, the principle of conduct naturally 
resulting from them, were confined to the civil, as 
contradistinguished from the ecclesiastical, polity of 
the country. In church matters, they neither ac- 
knowledged any very high authority in the Crown, 
nor were they willing to submit to any royal en- 
croachment on that side ; and a steady attachment 
to the church of England, with a proportionable 
aversion to all dissenters from it, whether Catholick 
or Protestant, was almost universally prevalent 
among them. A due consideration of these distinct 
features in the character of a party so powerful in 
Charles's and in James's time, and even when it was 
lowest, (that is, during the reigns of the two first 
Princes of the House of Brunswick,) by no means 
inconsiderable, is exceedingly necessary to the right 
understanding of English History. It affords a clue 
to many passages otherwise unintelligible. For want 



164 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER of a proper attention to this circumstance, some his- 

torians have considered the conduct of the Tories in 

promoting the Revolution, as an instance of great 
inconsistency. Some have supposed, contrary to the 
clearest evidence, that their notions of passive obe- 
dience, even in civil matters, were limited, and 
that their support of the government of Charles and 
James, wan founded upon a belief, that those Princes 
would never abuse their prerogative for the purpose 
of introducing arbitrary sway. But this hypothesis 
is contrary to the evidence both of their declarations 
and their conduct. Obedience without reserve, an 
abhorrence of all resistance, as contrary to the tenets 
of their religion, are the principles which they 
professed in their addresses, their sermons, and their 
decrees at Oxford; and surely nothing short of such 
principles, could make men esteem the latter years 
of Charles the Second, and the opening of the reign 
of his successor, an era of national happiness, and 
exemplary government. Yet this is the representa- 
tion of that period, which is usually made by histo- 
rians, and other writers of the church party. " Never 
" were fairer promises on one side, nor greater gene- 
*' rosity on the other," says Mr. Echard. " The King 
** had as yet, in no instance, invaded the rights of his 
'* subjects," says the author of the Caveat against the 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 165 

Whigs. Thus, as long as James contented himself with chapter 

absolute power in civil matters, and did not make use 

of his authority against the church, every thing went 
smooth and easy; nor is it necessary, in order to 
account for the satisfaction of the parliament and 
people, to have recourse to any implied compromise, 
by which the nation was willing to yield its civil 
liberties as the price of retaining its religious con- 
stitution. The truth seems to be, that the King, in 
asserting his unlimited power, rather fell in with 
the humour of the prevailing party, than offered any 
violence to it. Absolute power in civil matters, 
under the specious names of monarchy and prero- 
gative, formed a most essential part of the Tory 
creed; but the order in which Church and King 
are placed in the favourite device of the party, is not 
accidental, and is well calculated to shew the genuine 
principles of such among them as are not corrupted 
by influence. Accordingly, as the sequel of this 
reign will abundantly shew, when they found them- 
selves compelled to make an option, they preferred, 
without any degree of inconsistency, their first idol 
to their second, and when they could not preserve 
both Church and King, declared for the former. 

It gives certainly no very flattering picture of the situatrba of 

...... the Whigs. ' 

country, to describe it as being in some sense fairly 



166 HISTORY OF THE REIGN, fcc. 

CHAPTER represented hy this servile Parliament, and not only 

'. — acquiescing in, but delighted with, theearly measures 

of James's reign; the contempt of law exhibited in 
the arbitrary mode of raising his revenue; his insult- 
ing menace to the Parliament, that if they did not 
use him well, he would govern without them; his 
furious persecution of the Protestant dissenters, and 
the spirit of despotism which appeared in all his 
speeches and actions. But it is to be remembered, 
that these measures were in no wise contrary to the 
principles or prejudices of the church party, but 
rather highly agreeable to them; and that the Whigs, 
who alone were possessed of any just notions of 
liberty, were so out-numbered, and discomfited by 
persecution, that such of them as did not think fit 
to engage in the rash schemes of Monmouth or 
Argyle, held it to be their interest to interfere as 
little as possible in publick affairs, and by no means 
to obtrude upon unwilling hearers, opinions and 
sentiments, which, ever since the dissolution of the 
Oxford parliament in 1681, had been generally dis- 
countenanced, and of which the peaceable, or rather 
triumphant accession of James to the throne, was 
supposed to seal the condemnation. 



CHAPTER THE THIRD. 



CONTENTS. 



** Attempts of Argyle and Monmouth. — Account of their followers. — 
" Argyle's Expedition discovered. — His descent in Argyleshire. — 
" Dissensions among his followers. — Loss of his shipping. — His 
" army dispersed, and himself taken prisoner, — His behaviour in 
" prison. — His execution. — The fate of his followers. — Rumbold's 
" last Declaration examined. — Monmouth's Invasion of England. — 
" His first success and reception. — His delays, disappointment, and 
"despondency. — Battle of Sedgemore. — He is discovered and 
" taken. — His Letter to the King. — His interview with James. — His 
*' preparations for death.— Circumstances attending his execution. — 
*' His Character." E. 



[171 ] 



CHAPTER THE THIRD. 



It is now necessary to give some account of those chapter 

attempts in Scotland by the Earl of Argyle, and in — 

Encrland by the Duke of Monmouth, of which the Eariof ' 

. . . . . Argyle. 

King had informed his Parliament in the manner 
recited in the preceding Chapter. The Earl of 
Argyle was son to the Marquis of Argyle, of whose 
unjust execution, and the treacherous circumstances 
accompanying it, notice has already been taken. 
He had, in his youth, been strongly attached to the 
royal cause, and had refused to lay down his arms,, 
till he had the exiled King's positive orders for that 
purpose. But the merit of his early services could 
neither save the life of his father, nor even procure 
for himself a complete restitution of his family ho- 
nours and estates; and not long after the Restoration, 
upon an accusation of Leasing-Making,an accusation 
founded, in this instance, upon a private letter to a. 



n HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



CHAPTER fellow-subject, in which he spoke with some freedom 

of his Majesty's Scottish ministry, he was condemned 

to death. The sentence was suspended, and finally 
remitted; but not till after an imprisonment of twelve 
months and upwards. In this affair he was much 
assisted by the friendship of the Duke of Lauderdale, 
with whom he ever afterwards liv^ed upon terms 
of friendship, though his principles would not per- 
mit him to give active assistance to that nobleman in 
his government of Scotland. Accordingly, we do 
not, during that period, find Argyle's name among 
those who held any of those great employments of 
state, to which, by his rank and consequence, he 
was naturally entitled. When James, then Duke 
of York, was appointed to the Scotch government, 
it seems to have been the Earl's intention to cultivate 
his Royal Highness' favour, and he was a strenuous 
supporter of the Bill which condemned all attempts 
at exclusions, or other alterations in the succession of 
the crown. But having highly offended that Prince, 
by insisting on the occasion of the Test, that the 
Royal Family, when in office, should not be exempted 
from taking that oath which they imposed upon sub- 
jects in like situations, his Royal Highness ordered 
a prosecution against him, for the explanation with 
which he had taken the Test oath at the council 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 173 

board, and the Earl was, as we have seen, again con- chapter 



1685. 



demned to death. From the time of his escape from 
prison, he resided wholly in foreign countries, and was 
looked to as a principal ally by such of the English pa- 
triots as had at anytime entertained thoughts, whether 
more or less ripened, of delivering their country. 

James Duke of Monmouth was the eldest of the Duke of 
late King's natural children. In the early parts of his 
life, he held the first place in his father's affections; 
and even in the height of Charles's displeasure at his 
political conduct, attentive observers thought they 
could discern, that the traces of paternal tenderness 
were by no means effaced. Appearing at Court His cha- 
in the bloom of youth, with a beautiful figure, and 
engaging manners, known to be the darling of the 
Monarch, it is no wonder that he was early assailed 
by the arts of flattery; and it is rather a proof that 
he had not the strongest of all minds, than of any 
extraordinary weakness of character, that he was 
not proof against them. He had appeared with some 
distinction in the Flemish campaigns; and his con- 
duct had been noticed with the approbation of the 
commanders, as well Dutch as French, under whom 
he had respectively served. His courage was allowed 
by all, his person admired, his generosity loved, his 
sincerity confided in. If his talents were not of the 



tion. 



174 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER first rate, they were by no means contemptible; 

— and he possessed, in an eminent degree, qualities 

which, in popular government, are far more effec- 
tive than the most splendid talents; qualities by 
which he inspired those who followed him, not only 
with confidence and esteem, but with affection, en- 

ftndaitibi- thusiasm, and even fondness. Thus endowed, it is 
not surprising that his youthful mind was fired with 
ambition, or that he should consider the putting 
himself at the head of a party, (a situation for which 
he seems to have been peculiarly qualified by so 
many advantages,) as the means by which he was 
most likely to attain his object. 

His private Many circumstances contributed to outweigh the 
scruples which must have harrassed a man of his 
excellent nature, when he considered the obligations 
of filial duty and gratitude, and when he reflected, 
that the particular relation in which he stood to the 
King rendered a conduct, which in any other 
subject would have been meritorious, doubtful, if 
not extremely culpable in him. Among these, not 
the least was the declared enmity which subsisted 
between him and his uncle, the Duke of York. The 
Earl of Mulgrave, afterwards Duke of Buckingham- 
shire, boasttd in his Memoirs, that this enmity was 
originally owing to his contrivances; and while he 



motives. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 1 75 



is relating a conduct, upon which the only doubt chapter 

can be, whether the object or the means were the 

most infamous, seems to applaud himself, as if he 
had atchieved some notable exploit. While, on the 
one hand, a prospect of his uncle's succession to the 
crown was intolerable to him, as involving in it a 
certain destruction of even the most reasonable and 
limited views of ambition which he might entertain, 
he was easily led to believe on the other hand, that no 
harm, but the reverse, was intended towards his royal 
father, whose reign and life might become precari- 
ous, if he obstinately persevered in supporting his 
brother ; whereas, on the contrary, if he could be 
persuaded, or even forced, to yield to the wishes of 
his subjects, he mi^ht long reign a powerful, happy, 
and popular Prince. 

It is also reasonable to believe, that with those per- poiukai mo- 

1 I . . , . - tives of his 

sonal and private motives, others might co-operate conduct. 
of a publick nature, and of a more noble character. 
The Protestant religion, to which he seems to have 
been sincerely attached, would be persecuted, or 
perhaps, exterminated, if the King should be suc- 
cessful in his support of the Duke of York, and his 
faction. At least, such was the opinion generally 
prevalent, while, with respect to the civil liberties of 
the country, no doubt could be entertained, that if 



176 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



CHAPTER the Court party prevailed in the struggle then de- 

!_ pending, they would be completely extinguished. 

Something may be attributed to his admiration of the 
talents of some, to his personal friendship for others, 
among the leaders of the Whigs, more to the aptitude 
of a generous nature to adopt, and, if I may so say, to 
become enamoured of, those principles of justice, 
benevolence, and equality, which form the true creed 
of the party which he espoused. I am not inclined 
to believe that it was his connection with Shaftes- 
bury that inspired him with ambitious views, but 
rather to reverse cause and effect, and to suppose, 
that his ambitious views produced his connection 
with that nobleman ; and whoever reads with at- 
tention Lord Grey*s account of one of the party 
meetings at which he was present, will perceive 
that there was not between them that perfect cordi- 
ality which has been generally supposed, but that 
Russel, Grey, and Hampden, were upon a far more 
confidential footing with him. It is far easier to de- 
termine generally, that he had high schemes of am- 
bition, than to discover what was his precise object ; 
and those who boldly impute to him the intention of 
succeeding to the crown, seem to pass by several 
weighty arguments, which make strongly against 
their hypothesis; such as, his connection with the 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 177 

Dutchess of Portsmouth, who, if the succession were chapter 

to go to the King's illegitimate children, must natu- '. — 

rally have been for her own son ; his unqualified 
support of the Exclusion Bill, which, without in- 
deed mentioning her, most unequivocally settled the 
Crown, in case of a demise, upon the Princess of 
Orange; and above all, the circumstance of his 
having, when driven from England, twice chosen 
Holland for his asylum. By his cousins he was re- 
ceived, not so much with the civility and decorum 
of Princes, as with the kind familiarity of near rela- 
tions ; a reception to which he seemed to make every 
return of reciprocal cordiality.* It is not rashly to 
be believed, that he, who has never been accused of 
hardened wickedness, could have been upon such 
terms with, and so have behaved to, persons whom 
he purposed to disappoint in their dearest and best 
grounded hopes, and to defraud of their inheritance. 

Whatever his views might be, it is evident that they Hisexiie 
were of a nature wholly adverse, not only to those fand.^"^* 
of the Duke of York, but to the schemes of power 
entertained by the King, with which the support of 
his brother was intimately connected. Monmouth 
was therefore, at the suggestion of James, ordered 
by his father to leave the country, and deprived of all 

* D'Avaux. 

A a 



178 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER his offices, civil and military. The pretence for this 

exile was a sort of principle of impartiality, which 

obliged the King, at the same time that he ordered 
his brother to retire to Flanders, to deal equal mea- 
sure to his son. Upon the Duke of York's return, 
(which was soon after,) Monmouth thought he might 
without blame return also; and persevering in his 
former measures, and old connections, became 
deeply involved in the cabals to which Essex, 
Russel, and Sidney fell martyrs. After the death of 
his friends he surrendered himself; and upon a pro- 
mise, that nothing said by him should be used to the 
prejudice of any of his surviving friends, wrote a 
penitentiary letter to his father, consenting, at the 
same time, to ask pardon of his uncle. A great parade 
was made of this by the Court, as if it was designed 
by all means to goad the feelings of Monmouth : his 
Majesty was declared to have pardoned him at the 
request of the Duke of York, and his consent was 
required to the publication of what was called his 
Confession. This he resolutely refused at all ha- 
zards, and was again obliged to seek refuge abroad, 
where he had remained to the period of which we 
are now treating. 
^xpSbc. A little time before Charles's death, he had in- 
Ki^ng's'^dcalh. dulgcd hopes of being recalled, and that his intelli- 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 179 

gence to that effect was not quite unfounded, or, if chapteh 

false, was at least mixed with truth, is clear from the 

following circumstance : From the notes found when 
he was taken, in his memorandum book, it appears 
that part of the plan concerted between the King 
and Monmouth's friend, (probably Halifax,) was that 
the Duke of York should go to Scotland,* between 
which, and his being sent abroad again, Monmouth 
and his friends saw no material difference. Now in 
Barillon's letters to his Court, dated the 7 th of Decem- 
ber, 1684, it appears that the Duke of York had told 
that ambassadour of his intended voyage to Scotland, 
though he represented it in a very different point of 
view, and said that it would not be attended with 
any diminution of his favour or credit.-f This was the 
light in which Charles, to whom the expressions, 
" to blind my brother, not to make the Duke of 
*' York fly out," and the like, were familiar, would 
certainly have shewn the affair to his brother, and 
therefore of all the circumstances adduced, this ap- 
pears to me to be the strongest in favour of the sup- 
position, that there was in the King's mind, a real 
intention of making an important, if not a complete, 
change in his councils and measures. 

Besides these two leaders, there were on the Con- Exiiesfrom 

Scotland. 
* Welwood's Memoirs. + See Appendix, p. viii. 



180 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER tinent at that time, several other gentlemen of great 

'■ — consideration. Sir Patrick Hume of Polworth had 

sirP.Hume. early distinguished himself in the cause of liberty. 
When the privy council of Scotland passed an order, 
compelling the counties to pay the expence of the 
garrisons arbitrarily placed in them, he refused to 
pay his quota, and by a mode of appeal to the Court of 
Session, which the Scotch lawyers call a Bill of Sus- 
pension, endeavoured to procure redress. The coun- 
cil ordered him to be imprisoned, for no other crime, 
as it should seem, than that of having thus attempted 
to procure, by a legal process, a legal decision upon 
a point of law. After having remained inclose con- 
finement, in Stirling Castle, for near four years, he 
was set at liberty through the favour and interest of 
Monmouth. Having afterwards engaged in schemes 
connected with those imputed to Sidney and Russel, 
orders were issued for seizing him at his house in 
Berwickshire; but having had timely notice of his 
danger, from his relation, Hume of Ninewells, a 
gentleman attached to the royal cause,* but whom 
party spirit had not rendered insensible to the ties 
of kindred, and private friendship, he found means 

* It is not without some satisfaction, that I learnt, upon enquiry, 
that this gentleman was the ancestor of Hume the historian, who, in 
similar circumstances, would most certainly have followed his grand- 
father's example. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 181 



to conceal himself for a time, and shortly after to chapter 

escape beyond sea. His concealment is said to have 

been in the family burial-place, where the means of 
sustaining life were brought to him by his daughter, 
a girl of fifteen years of age, whose duty and affection 
furnished her with courage to brave the terrours, as 
well superstitious as real, to which she was necessa- 
rily exposed in an intercourse of this nature. ''' 

Andrew Fletcher of Salton, a young man of great rieicherof 
spirit, had signalized himself in opposition to Lau- 
derdale's administration of Scotland, and had after- 
wards connected himself with Argyle and Russel, 
and what was called the council of six. He had, of 
course, thought it prudent to leave Great Britain, 
and could not be supposed unwilling to join in any 
enterprize which might bid fair to restore him to 
his country, and his countrymen to their lost liber- 
ties, though, upon the present occasion, which he 
seems to have judged to be unfit for the purpose, he 
endeavoured to dissuade both Argyle and Mon- 
mouth from their attempts. He was a man of much 
thought and reading, of an honourable mind, and a 
fiery spirit, and from his enthusiastick admiration of 
the ancients, supposed to be warmly attached, not 
only to republican principles, but to the form of a 

* MS. account of Sir P. Hume. 



182 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER commonwealth. Sir John Cochrane of Ochiltree 
'. — had fled his country on account of the transactions 

l6S5. r ^«^ TT* 1 

Sir John or 1683. riis property and connections were consi- 
derable, and he was supposed to possess extensive 
influence in Airshire and the adjacent counties. 

English Such were the persons of chief note among the 

Scottish emigrants. Among the English, by far the 

LordGreyof most remarkable, was Ford, Lord Grey of Wark. A 

Wark. 

scandalous love intrigue, with his wife's sister, had 
fixed a very deep stain upon his private character; 
nor were the circumstances attending this affair, 
which had all been brought to light in a court of 
justice, by any means calculated to extenuate his 
guilt. His antient family, however, the extensive 
influence arising from his large possessions, his ta- 
lents, which appear to have been very considerable, 
and above all, his hitherto unshaken fidelity in poli- 
tical attachments, and the general steadiness of his 
conduct in publick life, might in some degree coun- 
tervail the odium which he had incurred on account 
of his private vices. Of Matthews, Wade, and 
Ayloffe, whose names are mentioned, as having both 
joined the preliminary councils, and done actual 
service in the invasions, little is known by which 
curiosity could be either gratified or excited. 
Rumboid. Richard Rumbold, on every account, merits more 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 183 

particular notice. He had formerly served in the re- chapter 

publican armies ; and adhering to the principles of 

liberty, which he had imbibed in his youth, though no 
wise bigotted to the particular form of a common- 
wealth, had been deeply engaged in the politicks of 
those who thought they saw an opportunity of rescuing 
their country from the tyrannical government of the 
late King. He was one of the persons denounced in 
Keyling's narrative, and was accused of having con- 
spired to assassinate the royal brothers, in their road 
to Newmarket ; an accusation belied by the whole 
tenour of his life and conduct, and which, if it had 
been true, would have proved him, who was never 
thought a weak or foolish man, to be as destitute of 
common sense, as of honour and probity. It was 
pretended, that the seizure of the Princes was to 
take place at a farm called Rye-house, which he oc- 
cupied in Hertfordshire for the purposes of his 
trade as a maltster; and from this circumstance, was 
derived the name of the Rye-house plot. Conscious 
of having done some acts, which the law, if even fairly 
interpreted, and equitably administered, might deem 
criminal, and certain that many which he had not 
done, would be both sworn, and believed against 
him, he made his escape, and passed the remainder 
of Charles's reign in exile and obscurity; nor is his 



184 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER name, as far as I can learn, ever mentioned, from the 
'. — time of the Rye-house plot to that of which we are 

1685. 

now treating. 
Other exiles. It is not to bc understood that there were no 
other names upon the list of those who fled from 
the tyranny of the British government, or thought 
themselves unsafe in their native country, on account 
of its violence, besides those of the persons above 
mentioned, and of such as joined in their bold and 
hazardous enterprize. Another class of emigrants, 
not less sensible probably to the wrongs of their 
country, but less sanguine in their hopes of imme- 
diate redress, is ennobled by the names of Burnet 
Burnet and the historian, and Mr. Locke. It is difficult to ac- 
opinion. cede to the opinion, which the first of these seems 
to entertain, that though particular injustices had 
been committed, the misgovernment had not been 
of such a nature as to justify resistance by arms."" 
But the prudential reasons against resistance at that 
time were exceedingly strong ; and there is no 
point in human concerns, wherein the dictates of 
virtue, and worldly prudence, are so identified, as in 
this great question of resistance by force to esta- 
blished government. Success, it has been invidiously 
remarked, constitutes, in most instances, the sole 

• Burnet, II. 309. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 185 

difference between the traitor and the deliverer of chapter 

his country. A rational probability of success, it 

may be truly said, distinguishes the well considered observations 
enterprize of the patriot, from the rash schemes of 
the disturber of the publick peace. To command 
success, is not in the power of man; but to deserve 
success, by choosing a proper time, as well as a 
proper object, by the prudence of his means, no less 
than by the purity of his views, by a cause not only 
intrinsically just, but likely to ensure general sup- 
port, is the indispensible duty of him, who engages 
in an insurrection against an existing government. 
Upon this subject, the opinion of Ludlow, who Ludlow's opi 
though often misled, appears to have been an honest 
and enlightened man, is striking and forcibly ex- 
pressed. " We ought," says he, " to be very careful 
" and circumspect in that particular, and at least be 
" assured of very probable grounds, to believe the 
" power under which we engage, to be sufficiently 
"able to protect us in our undertaking; other- 
" wise, I should account myself not only guilty 
" of my own blood, but also, in some measure, of 
" the ruin and destruction of all those that I should 
" induce to engage with me, though the cause were 
" never so just.'"'' Reasons of this nature, mixed 

* Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 235. 
B, b 



morion resist- 
ance. 



invasion. 



186 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER more or less with considerations of personal caution, 

'. — and in some, perhaps, with dislike and distrust of 

the leaders, induced many, who could not but abhor 
the British government, to wait for better opportu- 
nities, and to prefer either submission at home, or 
exile, to an undertaking, which, if not hopeless, must 
have been deemed by all, hazardous in the extreme. 
Monmouth's lu the situatious in which these two noblemen, 
attempt an Argylc aud Moumouth, were placed, it is not to be 
wondered at, if they were naturally willing to enter 
into any plan, by which they might restore them- 
selves to their country; nor can it be doubted, but 
they honestly conceived their success to be inti- 
mately connected with the welfare, and especially 
with the liberty, of the several kingdoms to which 
they respectively belonged. Monmouth, whether 
because he had begun at this time, as he himself 
said, to wean his mind from ambition," or from the 
observations he had made upon the apparently rapid 
turn which had taken place in the minds of the 
English people, seems to have been very averse to 
rash counsels, and to have thought that all attempts 
against James, ought at least to be deferred till some 
more favourable opportunity should present itself. 
So far from esteeming his chance of success the 

* Vide his letter iu Wellwood's Memoirs, and in Ralph, I. 953. 



OF JAMES THE SEiCOND. 187 

better, on account of there being, in James's parlia- chapter 



ment, many members who had voted for the Exclu- L 

sion Bill, he considered that circumstance as unfa- 
vourable. These men, of whom however he seems 
to have over-rated the number, would, in his opinion, 
be more eager than others, to recover the ground 
they had lost, by an extraordinary show of zeal and 
attachment to the Grown. But if Monmouth was 
inclined to dilatory counsels, far different were the 
views and designs of other exiles, who had been 
obliged to leave their country on account of their 
having engaged, if not with him personally, at least 
in the same cause with him, and who were naturally 
enough his advisers. Among these were Lord Grey 
©f Wark and Ferguson; though the latter afterwards 
denied his having had much intercourse with the 
Duke^ and the former, in his Narrative,'" insinuates 
that he rather dissuaded than pressed the invasion. 

But if Monmouth was inclined to delay, Argyle rmpatience 
seems, on the other hand, to have been impatient in "^ ^^^" 
the extreme to bring matters to a crisis, and was, of 
course, anxious that the attempt upon England should 

* It is however notorious that he did press Monmouth very much j; 
and this circumstance, if any were wanting, would suflBciently prove 
that his Narrative is very little to be relied upon, in any point where: 
he conceived the falsification of a fact might serve him with the King^. 
upon whose mercy his life at that time depended. 



88 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



CHAPTER be made in co-operation with his upon Scotland. 

— ; Ralph, an historian of great acuteness, as well as 

diligence, but who falls sometimes into the common 
error of judging too much from the event, seems to 
think this impatience wholly unaccountable; but 
Argyle may have had many motives, which are now 
unknown to us. He may not improbably have fore- 
seen, that the friendly terms upon which James and 
the Prince of Orange affected at least to be, one with 
the other, might make his stay in the United Pro- 
vinces impracticable, and that, if obliged to seek ano- 
ther asylum, not only he might have been deprived, 
in some measure, of the resources which he derived 
from his connections at Amsterdam, but that the verv 
circumstance of his having been publickly discoun- 
tenanced by the Prince of Orange and the States 
General, might discredit his enterprize. His eager- 
ness for action may possibly have proceeded from the 
most laudable motives, his sensibility to the horrours 
which his countrymen were daily and hourly suf- 
fering, and his ardour to relieve them. The dreadful 
state of Scotland, while it affords so honourable an 
explanation of his impatience, seems to account also, 
in a great measure, for his acting against the common 
notions of prudence, in making his attack without 
any previous concert with those whom he expected 



OF JAMES THE SECOND 189 

to join him there. That this was his view of the chapter 

J III. 
matter is plain, as we are informed by Burnet that — - 

he depended not only on an army of his own clan 
and vassals, but that he took it for granted, that the 
western and southern counties would all at once 
come about him, when he had gathered a good force 
together in his own country; and surely, such an 
expectation, when we reflect upon the situation of 
those counties, was by no means unreasonable. 

Argyle's counsel, backed by Lord Grey and the preparations 
rest of Monmouth's advisers, and opposed by none invasion. 
except Fletcher of Salton, to whom some add Cap- 
tain Matthews, prevailed, and it was agreed to invade 
immediately, and at one time, the two kingdoms. 
Monmouth had raised some money from his jewels, 
and Argyle had a loan of ten thousand pounds from 
a rich widow in Amsterdam. With these resources, 
such as they were, ships and arms were provided, 
and Argyle sailed from Vly on the second of May, Argyie'sex- 
with three small vessels, accompanied by Sir Patrick ''^mL^^- 
Hume, Sir John Cochrane, a few more Scotch gentle- 
men, and by two Englishmen, Ayloffe, a nephew by 
marriage to Lord Chancellor Clarendon, and Rum- 
bold the malster, who had been accused of being 
principally concerned in that conspiracy which, from 
his farm in Hertfordshire, where it was pretended 



190 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



CHAPTER Charles the Second was to have been intercepted in 
— — '. — his way from Newmarket, and assassinated, had been 
called the Rye-house plot.* Sir Patrick Hume is said 
to have advised the shortest passage, in order to 
come more unexpectedly upon the enemy ; but 
Argyle, who is represented as remarkably tenacious 
of his own opinions, persisted in his plan of sailing 
round the north of Scotland, as well for the purpose 
of landing at once among his own vassals, as for 
that of being nearer to the western counties, which 
had been most severely oppressed, and from which, 
of course, he expected most assistance. Each of these 
plans had no doubt its peculiar advantages; but, as far 
as we can judge at this distance of time, those be- 
longing to the Earl's scheme seem to preponderate; 
for the force he carried with him was certainly not 
sufficient to enable him, by striking any decisive 
stroke, to avail himself even of the most unprepared 
state in which he could hope to find the King's 
government. As he must therefore depend entirely 
upon reinforcements from the country, it seemed 
reasonable to make for that part where succour was 

* The detailed account of the exiles from England and Scotland, from 
page 179 to I84, was inserted in the work by Mr. Fox, after this pas- 
sage was written. — As it is there introduced, Mr. Fox would, do 
doubt, have erased the repetition of it; but it has been the object of 
the Editor to preserve scrupulously the w^ords of the MS. E. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 191 

most likely to be obtained, even at the hazard of in- chapter 

curring the disadvantage which must evidently result 

from the enemy's having early notice of his attack, 
and consequently proportionable time for defence. 

Unfortunately, this hazard was converted into a P'scovered 
^ by his land- 

certainty, by his sending some men on shore in the Sne^t^ 
Orkneys. Two of these, Spence and Blackadder, 
were seized at Kirkwall by the bishop of the diocese, 
and sent up prisoners to Edinburgh, by which means 
the government was not only satisfied of the reality 
of the intended invasion, of which, however, they 
had before had some intimation,* but could guess 
with a reasonable certainty, the part of the coast 
where the descent was to take place; for Argyle 
could not possibly have sailed so far to the north 
with any other view, than that of making his landing 
either on his own estate, or in some of the wes- 
tern counties. Among the numberless charges of 
imprudence against the unfortunate Argyle, charges 
too often inconsiderately urged against him who 
fails in any enterprize of moment, that which is 
founded upon the circumstance just mentioned ap- 
pears to me to be the most weighty, though it is that 
which is the least mentioned, and by no author, as 
far as I recollect, much enforced. If the landing 
in the north was merely for the purpose of gaining 
* Vide Appendix, p. Ixxviii. Burnet, II. 313. Woodrow, II. 5 13. 



192 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



CHAPTER intelligence respecting the disposition of the country, 

'. — or for the more frivolous object of making some few 

prisoners, it was indeed imprudent in the highest 
degree. That prisoners, such as were likely to be 
taken on this occasion, should have been a consider- 
ation with any man of common sense, is impossible. 
The. desire of gaining intelligence concerning the 
disposition of the people, was indeed a natural cu- 
riosity; but it would be a strong instance of that im- 
patience which has been often alledged, though in 
no other case proved, to have been part of the Earl's 
character, if, for the sake of gratifying such a desire, 
he gave the enemy any important advantage. Of the 
intelligence which he sought thus eagerly, it was 
evident that he could not in that place, and at that 
time, make any immediate use ; whereas, of that 
which he afforded his enemies, they could, and did 
avail themselves against him. The most favourable 
account of this proceeding, and which seems to de- 
serve most credit, is, that having missed the proper 
passage through the Orkney islands, he thought pro- 
per to send on shore for pilots, and that Spence very 
imprudently took the opportunity of going to confer 
with a relation at Kirkwall ; •' but it is to be remarked, 
that it was not necessary, for the purpose of getting 
pilots, to employ men of note, such as Blackadder 

* Woodrow, II. 513. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 19S 

and Spence, the latter of whom was the Earl's Se- chapter 

^ III. 
cretary; and that it was an unpardonable neglect not 

. , . . . . , I 1685. 

to give the strictest injunctions to those who were 
employed, against going a step further into the coun- 
try than was absolutely necessary. 

Argyle, with his wonted generosity of spirit, was uisdescent 
at first determined to lay siege to Kirkwall, in order shire, 
to recover his friends ; but partly by the dissuasions 
of his followers, and still more by the objections 
made by the masters of the ships, to a delay which 
might make them lose the favourable winds for their 
intended voyage, he was induced to prosecute his 
course.* In the meantime the government made the 
use that it was obvious they would make, of the in- 
formation they had obtained, and when the Earl ar- 
rived at his destination, he learned that considerable 
forces were got together to repel any attack that he 
might meditate. Being prevented by contrary winds 
from reaching the isle of Hay, where he had pur- 
posed to make his first landing, he sailed back to 
Dunstafnage in Lorn, and there sent ashore his son, 
Mr. Charles Campbell, to engage his tenants, and 
other friends, and dependants of his family, to rise 
in his behalf; but even there he found less encou- 
ragement and assistance than he had expected, and 

* Woodrow, II. 531. 
C C 



194 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER the Laird of Lochniel, who g;ave him the best as- 

III. . 
surances, treacherously betrayed him, sent his letter 

to. the Government, and joined the royal forces under 
the Marquis of Athol. He then proceeded south- 
wards, and landed at Campbelltown in Kintyre, 
where his first step was to publish his Declaration, 
which appears to have produced little or no effect. 
Difference of This bad beginning; served, as is usual in such 

opinion. . 

adventures, rather to widen than to reconcile the 
differences which had early begun to manifest them- 
selves between the leader and his followers. Hume 
and Cochrane, partly construing perhaps too san- 
guinely the intelligence which was received from 
Airshire, Galloway, and the other Lowland districts 
in that quarter, partly from an expectation that where 
the oppression had been most grievous, the revolt 
would be proportionably the more general, were 
against any stay, or, as they termed it, loss of time in 
the Highlands, but were for proceeding at once, 
weak as they were in point of numbers, to a country 
where every man endowed with the common feel- 
ings of human nature, must be their wellwisher, 
every man of spirit their coadjutor. Argyle, on the 
contrary, who probably considered the discouraging 
accounts from the Lowlands as positive and distinct, 
while those which were deemed more favourable, ap- 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 195 

peared to him to be at least uncertain and provisional, chapter 

thought the most prudent plan was, to strengthen 

himself in his own country, before he attempted the 
invasion of provinces where the enemy was so well 
prepared to receive him. He had hopes of gaining 
time, not only to increase his own army, but to 
avail himself of the Duke of Monmouth's intended 
invasion of England, an event which must obviously 
have great influence upon his affairs, and which, if 
he could but maintain himself in a situation to pro- 
fit by it, might be productive of advantages of an 
importance and extent of which no man could pre- 
sume to calculate the limits. Of these two contrary 
opinions, it may be difficult at this time of day to ap- 
preciate the value, seeing that so much depends upon 
the degree of credit due to the different accounts from 
the Lowland counties, of which our imperfect infor- 
mation does not enable us to form any accurate 
judgment. But even though we should not decide 
absolutely in favour of the cogency of these reason- 
ings which influenced the chief, it must surely be 
admitted, that there was at least sufficient probabi- 
lity in them, to account for his not immediately giv- 
ing way to those of his followers, and to rescue his 
memory from the reproach of any uncommon obsti- 
nacy, or of carrying things, as Burnet phrases it, 



196 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER with an air of authority that was not easy to men 



who were setting up for liberty. On the other hand, 
it may be more difficult to exculpate the gentlemen 
engaged with Argyle, for not acquiescing more 
cheerfully, and not entering more cordially into the 
views of a man whom they had chosen for their 
ii2ader and general ; of whose honour they had no 
doubt, and whose opinion, even those who dissented 
from him, must confess to be formed upon no light 
or trivial grounds. 
Dissensions The differences upon the general scheme of at- 
lowers. tack, led, of course, to others upon points of detail. 
Upon every projected expedition there appeared a 
contrariety of sentiment, which on some occasions 
produced the most violent disputes. The Earl was 
often thwarted in his plans, and in one instance 
actually over-ruled by the vote of a council of war. 
Nor were these divisions, which might of them- 
selves be deemed sufficient to mar an enterprise of 
this nature, the only adverse circumstances which 
Argyle had to encounter. By the forward state of pre- 
paration on the part of the Government, its friends 
were emboldened ; its enemies, whose spirit had 
been already broken by a long series of sufferings, 
were completely intimidated, and men of fickle and 
time-serving dispositions, were fixed in its interests. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 197 

Add to all this, that where spirit was not wanting, chapter 

it was accompanied with a degree and species of 

perversity wholly inexplicable, and which can 
hardly gain belief from any one, whose experience 
has not made him acquainted with the extreme dif- 
ficulty of persuading men, who pride themselves 
upon an extravagant love of liberty, rather to com- 
promise upon some points with those who have, in 
the main, the same views with themselves, than to 
give power, (a power which will infallibly be used 
for their own destruction,) to an adversary of prin- 
ciples diametrically opposite ; in other words, rather 
to concede something to a friend, than every thing 
to an enemy. Hence, those even, whose situation 
was the most desperate, who were either wandering 
about the fields, or seeking refuge in rocks and ca- 
verns, from the authorized assassins who were on 
every side pursuing them, did notall join in Argyle's 
cause with that frankness and cordiality which was 
to be expected. The various schisms which had 
existed among different classes of Presbyterians, 
were still fresh in their memory. Not even the per- 
secution to which they had been in common, and 
almost indiscriminately subjected, had reunited them. 
According to a most expressive phrase of an emi- 
nent minister of their church, who sincerely lamented 



198 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER their disunion. The furnace had not yet healed the 
rents and breaches among them.* Some doubted 



^^^^' whether, short of establishing ail the doctrines 
preached by Cargill and Cameron, there was any 
thing worth contending for; while others, still fur- 
ther gone in enthusiasm, set no value upon liberty, or 
even life itself, if they were to be preserved by the 
means of a nobleman, who had, as well by his ser- 
vices to Charles the Second, as by other instances, 
been guilty, in the former parts of his conduct, of 
what they termed unlawful compliances. 
Hispian Perplexed, no doubt, but not dismayed, by these 

over-ruled, ^ifji^ulties, the Earl proceeded to Tarbet, which he 
had fixed as the place of rendezvous, and there issued 
a second Declaration, (that which has been mentioned 
as having been laid before the House of Commons,) 
with as little effect as the first. He was joined by 
Sir Duncan Campbell, who alone, of all his kinsmen, 
seems to have afforded him any material assistance, 
and who brought with him nearly a thousand men ; 
but even with this important reinforcement his 
whole army does not appear to have exceeded two 
thousand. It was here that he was over-ruled by a 
council of war, when he proposed marching to In- 
verary ; and after much debate, so far was he from 
being so self-willed as he is represented, that he 

* Woodrow, II 530. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 199 

consented to go over with his army to that part of chapter 

Argyleshire called Cowal, and that Sir John Cochrane — 

should make an attempt upon the Lowlands ; and he 
sent with him Major FuUarton, one of the officers in 
whom he most trusted, and who appears to have 
best deserved his confidence. This expedition 
could not land in Airshire, where it had at first been 
intended, owing to the appearance of two king's fri- 
gates, which had been sent into those seas; and when 
it did land near Greenoch, no other advantage was 
derived from it, than the procuring from the town a 
very small supply of provisions.* 

When Cochrane, with his detachment, returned to Loss of his 
Cowal, all hopes of success in the Lowlands seemed, 
for the present at least, to be at an end, and Argyle's 
original plan was now necessarily adopted, though 
under circumstances greatly disadvantageous. Among 
these the most important was, the approach of the 
frigates, which obliged the Earl to place his ships 
under the protection of the castle of Ellengreg, 
which he fortified and garrisoned, as well as his con- 
tracted means would permit. Yet even in this situ- 
ation, deprived of the co-operation of his little fleet, 
as well as of that part of his force which he left to 
defend it, being well seconded by the spirit and 

* Woodrow. 



500 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER activity of Rumbold, who had §eized the castle of 

Ardkinglass near the head of Loch Fine, he was not 

without hopes of success in his main enterprize 
against Inverary, when he was called back to El- 
lengreg, by intelligence of fresh discontents having 
broken out there, upon the nearer approach of the 
frigates. Some of the most dissatisfied had even 
threatened to leave both castle and ships to their 
fate ; nor did the appearance of the Earl himself by 
any means bring with it that degree of authority 
which was requisite in such a juncture. His first 
motion was to disregard the superior force of the 
men of war, and to engage them with his small 
fleet ; but he soon discovered that he was far indeed 
from being furnished with the materials necessary to 
put in execution so bold, or as it may possibly be 
thought, so romantick a resolution. His associates 
remonstrated, and a mutiny in his ships was pre- 
dicted as a certain consequence of the attempt. Leav- 
ing therefore, once more, Ellengreg with a garrison 
under the command of the Laird of Lopness, and 
strict orders to destroy both ships and fortification, 
rather than suffer them to fall into the hands of 
the enemy, he marched towards Gareloch. But whe- 
ther from the inadequacy of the provisions with 
which he was able to supply it, or from cowardice, 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 501 

misconduct, or treachery, it does not appear, the chapter 

castle was soon evacuated without any proper mea 

sures being taken to execute the Earl s orders, and 
the military stores in it to a considerable amount, as 
well as the ships which had no other defence, were 
abandoned to the King's forces. 

This was a severe blow ; and all hopes of acting His amy 

, dispersed. 

according to the Earl's plan of establishing himself 
strongly in Argyleshire, were now extinguished. He 
therefore consented to pass the Leven, a little above 
Dumbarton, and to march eastwards. In this march 
he was overtaken, at a place called Killerne, by Lord 
Dumbarton at the head of a large body of the King's 
troops; but he posted himself with so much skill and 
judgment, that Dumbarton thought it prudent to 
wait at least, till the ensuing mornings before he 
made his attack. Here again Argyle was for risking 
an engagement, and in his nearly desperate situ- 
ation, it was probably his best chance, but his ad- 
vice, (for his repeated misfortunes had scarcely left 
him the shadow of command,) was rejected.* On the 
other hand, a proposal was made to him, the most 
absurd as it should seem, that was ever suggested in 
similar circumstances, to pass the enemy in the 
night, and thus exposing his rear, to subject himself 

* Lord Fountainhall's Memoirs, MS. Woodrow, 536. 



140^ HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER to the danger of being surrounded, for the sake of 
III. 

'. — advancing he knew not whither, or for what pur- 
pose. To this he could not consent; and it was at 
last agreed to deceive the enemies by lighting fires, 
and to decamp in the night towards Glasgow. The 
first part of this plan was executed with success, and 
the army went off un perceived by the enemy; but 
in their night march, they were misled by the igno- 
rance, or the treachery of their guides, and fell into 
difficulties which would have caused some disorder 
among the most regular and best disciplined troops. 
In this case such disorder was fatal, and produced, as 
among men circumstanced as Argyle's were, it ne- 
cessarily must, an almost general dispersion. Wan- 
dering among bogs and morasses, disheartened by 
fatigue, terrified by rumours of an approaching 
enemy, the darkness of the night aggravating at once 
every real distress, and adding terrour to every vain 
alarm; in this situation, when even the bravest and 
the best, (for according to one account Rumbold him- 
self was missing for a time,) were not able to find 
their leaders, nor the corps to which they respec- 
tively belonged ; it is no wonder that many took this 
opportunity to abandon a cause now become despe- 
rate, and to effect individually that escape which, as 
a body, they had no longer any hopes to accomplish.* 
♦ Woodrow, II. 535, 536. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 503 

When the small remains of this ill-fated army got chapter 

together, in the morning, at Kilpatrick, a place far 

distant from their destination, its number was re- 
duced to less than five hundred . Argyle had lost all 
authority; nor indeed, had he retained any, does it 
appear that he could now have used it to any salu- 
tary purpose. The same bias which had influenced 
the two parties in the time of better hopes, and with 
regard to their early operations, still prevailed, now 
that they were driven to their last extremity. Sir 
Patrick Hume and Sir John Cochrane would not stay 
even to reason the matter with him whom, at the 
onset of their expedition, they had engaged to obey, 
but crossed the Clyde, with such as would follow 
them, to the number of about two himdred, into 
Renfrewshire.* 

Argyle, thus deserted, and almost alone, still looked Argyie taken 

. 1 1 . . , prisoner* 

to his own country as the sole remaining hope, and 
sent off Sir Duncan Campbell, with the twa Dun^ 
cansons, father and son, persons all three, by whom 
he seemed to have been served with the most exem- 
plary zeal and fidelity, to attempt new levies there. 
Having done this, and settled such means of corres- 
pondence as the state of affairs would permit, he re- 
paired to the house of an old servant, upon whose 

' * Woodrow, 535 > 



1685. 



2,04 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER attachment he had relied for an asylum, but was 
III. . . 

peremptorily denied entrance. Concealment in this 

part of the country seemed now impracticable, and 
he was forced at last to pass the Clyde, accompanied 
by the brave and faithful Fullarton. Upon coming to 
a ford of the Inchanon, they were stopped by some 
militia men. Fullarton used in vain, all the best 
means which his presence of mind suggested to him, 
to save his General. He attempted one while by 
gentle, and then by harsher language, to detain the 
commander of the party till the Earl, who was ha- 
bited as a common countryman, and whom he passed 
for his guide, should have made his escape. At last, 
when he saw them determined to go after his pre- 
tended guide, he offered to surrender himself with- 
out a blow, upon condition of their desisting from 
their pursuit. This agreement was accepted, but not 
adhered to, and two horsemen were detached to 
seize Argyle. The Earl, who was also on horse- 
back, grappled with them, till one of them and him- 
self came to the ground. He then presented his 
pocket pistols, on which the two retired ; but soon 
after five more came up, who fired without effect, 
and he thought himself like to get rid of them, but 
they knocked him down with their swords, and 
seized him. When they knew whom they had taken, 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. :205 



ties offered to 



they seemed much troubled, but dared not let him chapter 

go.* Fullarton, perceiving that the stipulation on — 

which he had surrendered himself was violated, and 
determined to defend himself to the last, or at least 
to wreak, before he fell, his just vengeance upon his 
perfidious opponents, grasped at the sword of one 
of them, but in vain; he was overpowered, and made 
prisoner.t 

Afffvle was immediately carried to Renfrew, xheindigni- 
thence to Glasgow, and on the 20th of June was led him 
in triumph into Edinburgh. The order of the coun- 
cil was particular; that he should be led bare-headed, 
in the midst of Oraham's guards, with their matches 
cocked^ his hands tied behind his back, and preceded 
by the common hangman, in which situation, that he 
might be more exposed to the insults and taunts of 
the vulgar, it was directed that he should be carried 

* In my relation of the taking of Argyle's person, I have followed 
his own account, and mostly in his own words. As the authenticity 
of the paper written in prison, wherein he gives this account, has 
never been called in question, it seems strange that any historian 
should have adopted a different one. I take no notice of the story, by 
which he is made to exclaim in falling, !' Unfortunate Argylel" and 
thus to discover himself. Besides, that there is no authority for it, it has 
not the air of a real fact, but rather resembles a clumsy contriviance in 
some play, where the poet is put to his last shift, for means to prpdqce 
a discovery necessary to his plot, 

f Woodrow, 536, 537. 



2,06 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER to the Castle by a circuitous route.* To the equa- 

— ~ — - nimity with which he bore these indignities, as 

endured with indeed to the manly spirit exhibited by him through- 
magnanimity. . r 1 • T r 1 

out, in these last scenes ot his lire, ample testimony 

is borne by all the historians who have treated of 
them, even those who are the least partial to him. 
He had frequent opportunities of conversing, and 
some of writing, during his imprisonment, and it is 
from such parts of these conversations and writings 
as have been preserved to us, that we can best form 
to ourselves a just notion of his deportment during 
that trying period ; at the same time, a true repre- 
sentation of the temper of his mind, in such circum- 
stances, will serve, in no small degree, to illustrate 
his general character and disposition. 
His mildness Wc liavc already seen how he expressed himself 

and resigna- 
tion, with regard to the men, who by taking him, became 

the immediate cause of his calamity .-f He seems to 

feel a sort of gratitude to them, for the sorrow he 

saw, or fancied he saw in them, when they knew 

who he was, and immediately suggests an excuse for 

* Woodrow, 538. 

+ " As soon as they knew what I was, they seemed to be much 
•• troubled, but durst not let me go." Woodrow, 337- In another 
paper, he says, " Of the militia who wounded and took me, some 
'' wept, but durst not let me go." Id. 538. Supra, 205. E. 



GF JAMES THE SECOND. ^Of 

them, by saying, that they did not dare to follow the chapter 

impulse of their hearts. Speaking of the supineness 

of his countrymen, and of the little assistance he had 
received from them, he declares with his accustomed 
piety, his resignation to the will of God, which was 
that Scotland should not be delivered at this time, 
nor especially by his hand ; and then exclaims, with 
the regret of a patriot, but with no bitterness of dis- 
appointment, " But alas! who is there to be deli- 
*' vered ! There may," says he, "be hidden ones^ 
" but there appears no great party in the country^ 
*' who desire to be relieved."* Justice, in some de- 
gree, but still more, that warm affection for his own 
kindred and vassals, which seems to have formed a 
marked feature in this nobleman's character, then 
induces him to make an exception in favour of his 
poor friends in Argyleshire, in treating for whom, 
though in what particular way does not appear, he 
was employing, and with some hope of success, the 
few remaining hours of his life. In recounting the 
failure of his expedition, it is impossible for him not 
to touch upon what he deemed the misconduct of 
his friends; and this is the subject upon which, of 
all others, his temper must have been most irrit- 
able. A certain description of friends, (the words 

* Woodrow, 538. 



:208 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER describing; them are omitted.) were all of them^ 

without exception, his greatest enemies, both to 

betray and destroy him; and and (the 

names again omitted,) were the greatest cause of 
his rout, and his being taken, though not designedly 
he acknowledges, but by ignorance, cowardice, 
and faction.* This sentence had scarce escaped 
him, when, notwithstanding the qualifying words 
with which his candour had acquitted the last 
mentioned persons of intentional treachery, it ap- 
peared too harsh to his gentle nature, and declaring 
himself displeased with the hard epithets + he had 
used, he desires they maybe put out of any account 
that is to be given of these transactions. The manner 

* " friends were our greatest enemies, all without exception, 

" both to betray and destroy us ; and indeed and were 

" the greatest cause of our rout, and (of) my being taken; though 
•' not designedly I acknowledge, yet by ignorance, cowardice, and 
" faction." E. 

t " I am not pleased with myself. I have such hard epithets of 
" some of my countrymen, seeing they are Christians ; pray put it out 
" of any account you give ; only I must acknowledge, they were not 
«' governable, and the humour you found begun, continued." Wood- 
row, II. 538. After an ineffectual research to discover the original MS. 
Mr. Fox observes in a letter, " Cochrane and Hume certainly filled up 
" the two principal blanks ; with respect to the other blank, it is more 
" difficult, but neither is it very material." Accordingly, the blanks 
in the text, and in the preceding note, may be filled up thus, 
" (Cochrane" s) friends were our greatest enemies," kc. " and indeed 
" Hume and Cochrane were the greatest cause of our rout," kc. £ 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. ' 209 

in which this request is worded, shews, that the chapter 

paper he was writing was intended for a letter, and — 

as it is Supposed, to a Mrs. Smith, who seems to 
have assisted him with money; but whether or not, 
this lady was the rich widow of Amsterdam, before 
alluded to, I have not been able to learn. 

When he is told that he is to be put to the torture, Threatened 
he neither breaks out into any high-sounding bra- ^' 
vado, any premature vaunts of the resolution with 
which he will endure it, nor, on the other hand, into 
passionate exclamations on the cruelty of his ene- 
mies, or unmanly lamentations of his fate. After 
stating that orders were arrived, that he must be 
tortured, unless he answers all questions upon oath, 
he simply adds, that he hopes God will support him; 
and then leaves off writing, not from any want of 
spirits to proceed, but to enjoy the consolation which 
was yet left him, in the society of his wife, the 
Countess being just then admitted. 

Of his interview withQiieensberry, who examined Hisexami- 
him in private, little is known, except that he de- Qu'eensberry. 
nied his design having been concerted with any 
persons in Scotland ; that he gave no information 
with respect to his associates in England; and that 
he boldly and frankly averred his hopes to have been 
founded on the cruelty of the administration, and 

E e 



2ilO HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



CHAPTER such a disposition in the people to revolt, as he con- 

'. — ceived to be the natural consequence of oppression . 

He owned at the same time, that he had trusted too 
much to this principle.* The precise date of this 
conversation, whether it took place before the threat 
of the torture, whilst that threat was impending, or 
when there was no longer any intention of putting 
it into execution, I have not been able to ascertain; 
but the probability seems to be, that it was during 
the first or second of these periods. 
Considers his Notwithstanding the ill success that had attended 

enterprize as , ^ 

lawful. his enterprize, he never expresses, or even hints 
the smallest degree of contrition for having under- 
taken it : on the contrary, when Mr. Charteris, an 
eminent divine, is permitted to wait on him, his first 
caution to that minister is, not to try to convince him 
of the unlawfulness of his attempt, concerning 
which his opinion was settled, and his mind made 
up.+ Of some parts of his past conduct he does indeed 
confess that he repents, but these are the complian- 
ces of which he had been guilty in support of the 
King, or his predecessors. Possibly in this he may 
allude to his having in his youth borne arms against 
the Covenant, but with more likelihood to his con- 
currence, in the late reign, with some of the mea- 

* Burnet, II. 315. + Burnet- 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 211 

sures of Lauderdale's administration, for whom it is chapter 

certain that he entertained a great regard, and to whom 

he conceived himself to be principally indebted for 
his escape from his first sentence. Friendship and 
gratitude might have carried him to lengths which 
patriotism and justice must condemn. 

Religious concerns, in which he seems to have Hisdeport- 

1 . 1 1 r 1 • mentbn the 

been very serious and smcere, engaged much of his day of his 

. , . ... execution. 

thoughts; but his religion was of that genuine kind, 
which by representing the performance of our duties 
to our neighbour, as the most acceptable service to 
God, strengthens all the charities of social life. 
While he anticipates, with a hope approaching to 
certainty, a happy futurity, he does not forget those 
who have been justly dear to him in this world. He 
writes, on the day of his execution, to his wife, and 
to some other relations, for whom he seems to have 
entertained a sort of parental tenderness, short but 
the most affectionate letters, wherein he gives them 
the greatest satisfaction then in his power, by assur- 
ing them of his composure and tranquillity of mind, 
and refers them for further consolations to those 
sources from which he derived his own. In his 
letter to Mrs. Smith, written on the same day, he 
says, " While any thing was a burden to me, your 
*' concern was ; which is a cross greater than I can 



212: HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



III. 



1685. 



CHAPTER " express," (alluding probably to the pecuniary loss 
she had incurred,) " but I have, I thank God, over- 
" come all."* Her name, he adds, could not be con- 
cealed, and that he knows not what may have been 
discovered from any paper which may have been 
taken ; otherwise he has named none to their disad- 
vantage. He states that those in whose hands he is, 
had at first used him hardly, but that God had melted 
their hearts, and that he Was now treated with civi- 
lity. As an instance of this, he mentions the liberty 
he had obtained of sending this letter to her; a li- 
berty which he takes as a kindness on their part, and 
which he had sought that she might not think he had 
forgotten her. 

Never perhaps did a few sentences present so 
striking a picture of a mind truly virtuous and ho- 
nourable. Heroick courage is the least part of his 
praise, and vanishes as it were from our sight, when 
we contemplate the sensibility with which he ac- 
knowledges the kindness, such as it is, of the very 
men who are leading him to the scaffold ; the gene- 
rous satisfaction which he feels on reflecting that 
no confession of his has endangered his associates ; 
and above all, his anxiety, in such moments, to per- 
form all the duties of friendship and gratitude, not 

* Woodrow, II. 541, 542. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 213 



only with the most scrupulous exactness, but with chapter 

the most considerate attention to the feelings as well 

as to the interests of the person who was the object 
of them. Indeed, it seems throughout, to have been 
the peculiar felicity of this man's mind, that every 
thing was present to it that ought to be so ; nothing 
that ought not. Of his country he could not be 
unmindful; and it was one among other consequences 
of his happy temper, that on this subject he did not 
entertain those gloomy ideas, which the then state 
of Scotland was but too well fitted to inspire. In a 
conversation with an intimate friend, he says, that 
though he does not take upon him to be a prophet, 
he doubts not but that deliverance will come, and 
suddenly, of which his failings had rendered him 
unworthy to be the instrument. In some verses 
which he composed on the night preceding his exe- 
cution, and which he intended for his epitaph, he 
thus expresses this hope still more distinctly: 

" On my attempt though Providence did frown, 
*' His oppressed people God at length shall own ; 
" Another hand, by more successful speed, 
" Shall raise the remnant, bruise the serpent's head." 

With respect to the epitaph itself, of which these 
lines form a part, it is probable that he composed it 
chiefly with a view to amuse and relieve his mind, 



5U HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER fatiffued with exertion; and partly, perhaps, in imita- 
III. 
' tion of the famous Marquis of Montrose, who, in 

^^^^' similar circumstances, had written some verses which 
have been much celebrated. The poetical merit of the 
pieces appears to be nearly equal, and is not in 
either instance considerable, and they are only in 
so far valuable, as they may serve to convey to us 
some image of the minds by which they were pro- 
duced. He who reads them with this view, will 
perhaps be of opinion, that the spirit manifested in 
the two compositions, is rather equal in degree, 
than like in character; that the courage of Montrose 
was more turbulent, that of Argyle more calm and 
sedate. If on the one hand it is to be regretted, 
that we have not more memorials left of passages 
so interesting, and that even of those which we do 
possess, a great part is obscured by time; it must be 
confessed, on the other, that we have quite enougli 
to enable us to pronounce, that for constancy and 
equanimity under the severest trials, few men have 
equalled, none ever surpassed, the Earl of Argyle. 
The most powerful of all tempters, hope, was not 
held out to him, so that he had not, it is true, in 
addition to his other hard tasks, that of resisting her 
seductive influence ; but the passions of a different 
class had the fullest scope for their attacks. These, 



OF JAMES THE SECONa 515 

however, could make no impression on his well- chapter 



1685. 



disciplined mind. Anger could not exasperate, fear 
could not appall him ; and if disappointment and in- 
dignation at the misbehaviour of his followers, and 
the supineness of the country, did occasionally, as 
sure they must, cause uneasy sensations, they had not 
the power to extort from him one unbecoming, or 
even querulous expression. Let him be weighed 
never so scrupulously, and in the nicest scales, he 
will not be found, in a single instance, wanting in 
the charity of a Christian, the firmness and benevo- 
lence of a patriot, the integrity and fidelity of a man 
of honour. 

The Scotch Parliament had, on the eleventh of AnAddr^s 
June, sent an Address to the Kins, wherein, after scotch Par- 

^ liament 

praising his Majesty as usual for his extraordinary against him. 
prudence, courage, and conduct, and loading Argyle, 
whom they style an hereditary traitor, with every 
reproach they can devise, among others, that of in- 
gratitude for the favours which he had received, as 
well from his Majesty, as from his predecessor, they 
implore his Majesty that the Earl may find no favour; 
and that the Earl's family, the heritors, ring-leaders, 
and preachers who joined him, should be for ever 
declared incapable of mercy, or bearing any honour 
or estate in the kingdom; and all subjects discharged 



1685. 



216 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER under the highest pains to intercede for them in 
any manner of way. Never was address more gra- 
ciously received, or more readily complied with; and 
accordingly, the following letter with the royal sig- 
nature, and countersigned by Lord Melford, Secretary 
of State for Scotland, was dispatched to the council 
at Edinburgh, and by them entered and registered 
on the twenty-ninth of June. 



The warrant " Whereas, the late Earl of Argyle is, by the- 

for his exe- . r r~\ i n m • 

cution. " providence of God, fallen into our power, it is 
" our will and pleasure that you take all ways to 
*' know from him those things which concern our 
** government most, as his assisters with men, arms, 
'* and money; his associates and correspondents; 
" his designs, &:c. But this must be done, so as no 
" time may be lost in bringing him to condign 
*' punishment, by causing him to be demeaned 
" as a traitor, within the space of three days after 
" this shall come to your hands; an account of 
" which, with what he shall confess, you shall send 
" immediately to us or our Secretaries; for doing 
" which, this shall be your warrant."^ 

When it is recollected that torture had been in 
common use in Scotland, and that the persons to 

* Woodrow, II. 539- 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 2i1 

whom the letter was addressed, had often caused it chapter 

HI. 

to be inflicted, the words ** It is our will and pleasure 



" that you take all ways," seem to convey a positive 
command for applying of it in this instance ; yet it 
is certain that Argyle was not tortured. What was 
the cause of this seeming disregard of the royal 
injunctions, does not appear. One would hope, for 
the honour of human nature, that James, struck 
with some compunction for the injuries he had 
already heaped upon the head of this unfortunate 
nobleman, sent some private orders contradictory to 
this publick letter; but there is no trace to be dis- 
covered of such a circumstance. The managers 
themselves might feel a sympathy for a man of their 
own rank, which had no influence in the cases 
where only persons of an inferior station were to 
be the sufferers ; and in those words of the King's 
letter, which enjoin a speedy punishment, as the 
primary object to which all others must give way, 
they might find a pretext for overlooking the most 
odious part of the order, and of indulging their 
humanity, such as it was, by appointing the earliest 
day possible for the execution. In order that the 
triumph of injustice might be complete, it was 
determined, that without any new trial, the Earl 
should suffer upon the iniquitous sentence of sixteen 

F f 



l685. 



^18 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



CHAPTER hundred and eighty-two. Accordingly, the very 

'. — next day ensuing was appointed, and on the thirtieth 

of June he was brought from the Castle, first to the 
Laigh Council-house, and thence to the place of 
execution. 
An incident Beforc he left the Castle he had his dinner at the 

before his 

execution, usual hour, at which he discoursed, not only calmly, 
but even cheerfully with Mr. Charteris and others. 
After dinner he retired, as was his custom, to his 
bed-chamber, where, it is recorded, that he slept 
quietly for about a quarter of an hour. While he 
was in his bed, one of the members of the council 
came and intimated to the attendants a desire to 
speak with him : upon being told that the Earl was 
asleep, and had left orders not to be disturbed, the 
manager disbelieved the account, which he consi- 
dered as a device to avoid further questionings. To 
satisfy him, the door of the bed-chamber was half 
opened, and he then beheld, enjoying a sweet and 
tranquil slumber, the man, who by the doom of him 
and his fellows, was to die within the space of two 
short hours! Struck with this sight, he hurried out 
of the room, quitted the Castle with the utmost pre- 
cipitation, and hid himself in the lodgings of an 
acquaintance who lived near, where he flung himself 
upon the first bed that presented itself, and had every 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 219 

appearance of a man suffering the most excruciating chapter 

torture. His friend, who had been apprized by the 

servant of the state he was in, and who naturally 
concluded that he was ill, offered him some wine. 
He refused, saying, *' No, no, that will not help me; 
" I have been in at Argyle, and saw him sleeping as 
** pleasantly as ever man did, within an hour of eter- 

•' nity. But as for me ."* The name of the person 

to whom this anecdote relates, is not mentioned, and 
the truth of it may therefore be fairly considered as 
liable to that degree of doubt, with which men of 
judgment receive every species of traditional history. 
Woodrow, however, whose veracity is above sus- 
picion, says he had it from the most unquestionable 
authority. It is not in itself unlikely; and who is 
there that would not wish it true ? What a satisfac- 
tory spectacle to a philosophical mind» to see the 
oppressor, in the zenith of his power, envying his 
victim ! What an acknowledgment of the superiority 
of virtue ! what an affecting, and forcible testimony 
to the value of that peace of mind, which innocence 
alone can confer ! We know not who this man was ; 
but when we reflect, that the guilt which agonized 
him was probably incurred for the sake of some vain 
title, or at least of some increase of wealth, which ' 

* Woodrow, II. 541. 



520 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER he did not want, and possibly knew not how to 

enjoy, our disgust is turned into something like 

compassion for that very foolish class of men, whom 
the world calls wise in their generation. 
His behavi- Soou after his short repose Argyle was brought, 
scaffold. according to order, to the Laigh Council-house, 
from which place is dated the letter to his wife, and 
thence to the place of execution. On the scaflFold 
he had some discourse, as well with Mr. Annand, 
a minister appointed by Government to attend him, 
as with Mr. Gharteris. He desired both of them to 
. pray for him, and prayed himself with much fer- 
vency and devotion. The speech which he made 
to the people was such as might be expected from 
the passages already related. The same mixture of 
firmness and mildness is conspicuous in every part 
of it. " We ought not," says he, " to despise our 
" afflictions, nor to faint under them. We must not 
" suffer ourselves to be exasperated against the in- 
" struments of our troubles, nor by fraudulent, nor 
" pusillanimous compliances, bring guilt upon our- 
'* selves; faint hearts are ordinarily false hearts, 
" choosing sin, rather than suffering." He offers 
his prayers to God for the three kingdoms of Eng- 
land, Scotland, and Ireland, and that an end may 
be put to their present trials. Having then asked 



■ ILB- Kll'm" 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 2n 

pardon for his own failings, both of God and man, chapter 

he would have concluded ; but being reminded that 

he had said nothing of the Royal Family, he adds 
that he refers, in this matter, to what he had said at 
his trial concerning the Test ; that he prayed there 
never might be wanting one of the Royal Family to 
support the Protestant Religion ; and if any of them 
had swerved from the true faith, he prayed God 
to turn their hearts, but at any rate to save his 
people from their machinations. When he had 
ended, he turned to the south side of the scaffold, 
and said, " Gentlemen, I pray you do not miscon- 
" struct my behaviour this day: I freely forgive all 
" men their wrongs and injuries done against me, as 
'* I desire to be forgiven of God." Mr. Annand re- 
peated these words louder to the people. The Earl 
then went to the north side of the scaffold, and used 
the same or the like expressions. Mr. Annand re- 
peated them again, and said, " This nobleman dies a 
" Protestant." The Earl stept forward again, and said, 
" I die not only a Protestant, but with a heart-hatred 
" of Popery, prelacy, and all superstition whatsom- 
" ever."'" It would perhaps have been better if 
these last expressions had never been uttered, as 
there appears certainly something of violence in them 

* Woodrow, 543, 545. 



tion. 



22,2, HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER unsuitable to the general tenour of his language; but 

'. — it must be remembered, first, that the opinion that 

the Pope is Antichrist was at that time general 
among almost all the zealous Protestants in these 
kingdoms; secondly, that Annand, being employed 
by Government, and probably an Episcopalian, the 
Earl might apprehend that the declaration of such a 
minister, might not convey the precise idea, which 
he, Argyle, affixed to the word Protestant. 

Hisexecu- Hc then embraced his friends, gave some tokens 
of remembrance to his son-in-law, Lord Maitland, 
for his daughter and grand-children, stript himself 
of part of his apparel, of which he likewise made 
presents, and laid his head upon the block. Having 
uttered a short prayer, he gave the signal to the 
executioner, which was instantly obeyed, and his 
head severed from his body.* Such were the last 
hours, and such the final close, of this great man's 
life. May the like happy serenity in such dreadful 
circumstances, and a death equally glorious, be the 
lot of all, whom tyranny, of whatever denomination 
or description, shall in any age, or in any country, 
call to expiate their virtues on the scaffold ! 

Fate of his Of the foUowcrs of Argyle, in the disastrous ex- 
pedition above recounted, the fortunes were various. 

* Woodrow, 543, 545- 



followers. 



OF JAMES THE SECON©. ^^3 

Among those who either surrendered or were taken, chaJ'ter 
some suffered the same fate with their commander, — 

l685. 

Others were pardoned; while, on the other hand, of 
those who escaped to foreign parts, many after a 
short exile returned triumphantly to their country 
at the period of the Revolution, and under a system 
congenial to their principles, some even attained 
the highest honours and dignities of the state. It 
is to be recollected, that when, after the disastrous 
night-march from Killerne, a separation took place 
at Kilpatrick between Argyle and his confederates. 
Sir John Cochrane, Sir Patrick Hume, and others, 
crossed the Clyde into Renfrewshire, with about, it 
is supposed, two hundred men. Upon their landing, 
they met with some opposition from a troop of 
militia horse, which was however feeble and in- 
effectual; but fresh parties of militia, as well as 
regular troops drawing together, a sort of scuffle 
ensued, near a place called Muirdyke ; an offer of 
quarter was made by the King's troops, but (probably 
on account of the conditions annexed to it,) was 
refused; and Cochrane and the rest, now reduced to 
the number of seventy, took shelter in a fold-dyke, 
where they were able to resist and repel, though 
not without loss on each side, the attack of the enemy. 
Their situation was nevertheless still desperate, and 



^24 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER in the night they determined to make their escape. 

'■ — The King's troops having retired, this was effected 

without difficuky; and this remnant of an army being 
dispersed by common consent, every man sought 
his own safety in the best manner he could. Sir 

Cochrane be- John Cochrane took refuge in the house of an uncle, 

trayed, and .... 

pardoned, by whom, Or by whose wife it is said, he was be- 
trayed. He was however pardoned ; and from this 
circumstance, coupled with the constant and seem- 
ingly peevish opposition which he gave to almost 
all Argyle's plans, a suspicion has arisen, that he had 
been treacherous throughout. But the account given 
of his pardon by Burnet, who says his father, Lord 
Dundonald, who was an opulent nobleman, pur- 
chased it with a considerable sum of money,* is more 
credible, as well as more candid; and it must be 
remembered, that in Sir John's disputes with his 
general, he was almost always acting in conjunction 
with Sir Patrick Hume, who is proved, by the sub- 
sequent events, and indeed by the whole tenour of 
his life and conduct, to have been uniformly sincere 
and zealous in the cause of his country. Cochrane 
was sent to England, where he had an interview 
with the King, and gave such answers to the ques- 
tions put to him, as were deemed satisfactory by his 

* Burnet, II. 316. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. %2i 



Majesty; and the information thus obtained, whatever chapter 

might be the real and secret causes, furnished a 

plausible pretence at least for the exercise of royal 
mercy. Sir Patrick Hume, after having concealed Humeand 
himself some time in the house, and under the pro- escaped to 

^ Holland. 

tection, of Lady Eleanor Dunbar, sister to the Earl 
of Eglington, found means to escape to Holland, 
w^hence he returned in better times, and was created 
first Lord Hume of Polwarth, and afterward Earl of 
Marchmont. FuUarton, and Campbell of Auchin- 
break, appear to have escaped, but by what means is 
not known. Two sons of Argyle, John and Charles, 
and Archibald Campbell, his nephew, were sentenced 
to death and forfeiture, but the capital part of the sen- 
tence was remitted. Thomas Archer, a clergyman, Archer 

executed* 

who had been wounded at Muirdyke, was executed, 
notwithstanding many applications in his favour, 
among which was one from Lord Drumlanrig, 
Queensberry's eldest son. Woodrow, who was 
himself a Presbyterian minister, and though a most 
valuable and correct historian, was not without a 
tincture of the prejudices belonging to his order, 
attributes the unrelenting spirit of the Government 
in this instance, to their malice against the clergy of 
his sect. Some of the holy ministry, he observes, as 
Guthrie at the Restoration, Kidd and Mackail after 



%%^ HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER the insurrectrons at Pentland and Both well-bridge, 

III. . ^ 
and now Archer, were upon every occasion to be 

sacrificed to the fury of the persecutors." But to 
him who is well acquainted with the history of this 
period, the habitual cruelty of the Government will 
fully account for any particular act of severity; and 
it is only in cases of lenity, such as that of Cochrane, 
for instance, that he will look for some hidden or 
special motive. 
Ayioffeexe- Ayloffe, having in vain attempted to kill himself, 
land. was, like Cochrane, sent to London to be examined. 

His relationship to the King's first wife might per- 
haps be one inducement to this measure, or it might 
be thought more expedient that he should be executed 
for the Rye-house plot, the credit of which it was 
a favourite object of the Court to uphold, than for 
his recent acts of rebellion in Scotland. Upon his 
examination he refused to give any information, and 
suffered death upon a sentence of outlawry, which 
had passed in the former reign. It is recorded, that 
James interrogated him personally, and finding him 
sullen, and unwilling to speak, said, " Mr. Ayloffe, 
" you know it is in my power to pardon you, there- 
" fore say that which may deserve it;" to which 
Ayloffe replied, " Though it is in your power, it is 
•' not in your nature to pardon." This, however, 

* Woodrow, 553. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. W 

is one of those anecdotes, which is believed rather chapter 

on account of the air of nature that belongs to them, 

than upon any very good traditional authority, and 
which ought, therefore, when any very material in- 
ference, with respect either to fact or character, is 
to be drawn from them, to be received with great 
caution. 

Rumbold, covered with wounds, and defending Rumboid. 
himself with imcommon exertions of strength and 
courage, was at last taken. However desirable it 
might have been thought, to execute in England a 
man so deeply implicated in the Rye-house plot, 
the state of Rumbold's health made such a project 
impracticable. Had it been attempted, he would 
probably, by a natural death, have disappointed the 
views of a government who were eager to see 
brought to the block, a man whom they thought, or 
pretended to think, guilty of having projected the 
assassination of the late and present King. Weakened 
as he was in body, his mind was firm, his constancy 
unshaken; and notwithstanding some endeavours 
that were made by drums, and other instruments, to 
drown his voice when he was addressing the people 
from the scaffold, enough has been preserved of 
what he then uttered, to satisfy us, that his personal 
courage, the praise of which has not been denied 



%%^ HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



CHAPTER him, was not of the vulgar or constitutional kind, 

III. . . 
'. — but was accompanied with a proportionable vigour 

of mind. Upon hearing his sentence, whether in 

imitation of Montrose, or from that congeniality of 

character, which causes men in similar circumstances 

to conceive similar sentiments, he expressed the 

same wish which that gallant nobleman had done ; 

he wished he had a limb for every town in Christen- 

His denial of dom. With rcspcct to the intended assassination 

the assassina- 

tionpiot, imputed to him, he protested his innocence, and 
desired to be believed upon the faith of a dying 
man ; adding, in terms as natural as they are forcibly 
descriptive of a conscious dignity of character, that 
he was too well known, for any to have had the 
imprudence to make such a proposition to him. 
He concluded with plain, and apparently sincere, 
delarations of his undiminished attachment to the 
principles of liberty, civil and religious ; denied that 
he was an enemy to monarchy, affirming, on the con- 
trary, that he considered it, when properly limited, 
as the most eligible form of government ; but tliat 
he never could believe that any man was born marked 
by God above another, " for none comes into the 
" world with a saddle on his back, neither any 
*' hooted and spurred to ride him."* 

♦Ralph, I. 872. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. %%^ 

Except by Ralph, who, with a warmth that does chapter 
honour to his feelings, expatiates at some length 

l685. 

upon the subject, the circumstances attending; the overlooked 

^ '^ ^ .by historians. 

death of this extraordinary man have been little 
noticed. Rapin, Echard, Kennet, Hume, make 
no mention of them whatever; and yet, exclu- 
sively of the interest always excited by any great 
display of spirit and magnanimity, his solemn de- 
nial of the project of assassination imputed to him 
in the affair of the Rye-house plot, is in itself a 
fact of great importance, and one which might 
have been expected to attract, in no small degree, 
the attention of the historian. That Hume, who 
has taken some pains in canvassing the degree of 
credit due to the different parts of the Rye-house 
plot, should pass it over in silence, is the more ex- 
traordinary, because, in the case of the Popish plot, 
he lays, and justly lays, the greatest stress upon the 
dying declarations of the sufferers. Burnet adverts, 
as well to the peculiar language used by Rumbold, 
as to his denial of the assassination ; but having 
before given us to understand, that he believed that 
no such crime had been projected, it is the less to 
be wondered at, that he does not much dwell upon 
this further evidence in favour of his former opi- 
nion. Sir John Dalrymple, upon the authority of 



S^30 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER a paper which he does not produce, but from which 

'. — he quotes enough to show, that if produced it would 

not answer his purpose, takes Rumbold's guilt for a 
decided fact, and then states his dying protestations 
of his innocence, as an instance of aggravated wick- 
edness.* It is to be remarked too, that although Sir 
John is pleased roundly to assert, that Rumbold de- 
nied the share he had had in the Rye-house plot, yet 
the particular words which he cites neither contain, 
nor express, nor imply any such denial. He has 
not even selected those, by which the design of 
assassination was denied, (the only denial that was 
uttered,) but refers to a general declaration made 
by Rumbold, that he had done injustice to no man ; 
a declaration which was by no means inconsistent 
with his having been a party to a plot, which he, no 
doubt, considered as justifiable, and even merito- 
rious. This is not all: the paper referred to is 
addressed to Walcot, by whom Rumbold states 
himself to have been led on ; and Walcot, with his 
last breath, denied his own participation in any 
design to murder either Charles or James. Thus, 
therefore, wdiether the declaration of the sufferer be 
interpreted in a general, or in a particular sense, 
there is no contradiction whatever between it and 

* Dairy mple's Memoirs, I. 141. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 2S1 

the paper adduced ; but thus it is, that the character chapter 

of a brave, and, as far as appears, a virtuous man, is 

most unjustly and cruelly traduced. An incredible 
confusion of head, and an uncommon want of rea- 
soning powers, which distinguish the author to 
whom I refer, are, I should charitably hope, the 
true sources of his misrepresentation ; while others 
may probably impute it to his desire of blackening, 
upon any pretence, a person whose name is more or 
less connected with those of Sidney and Russel. It 
ought not, perhaps, to pass without observation, 
that this attack upon Rumbold is introduced only in 
an oblique manner: the rigour of government des- 
troyed, says the historian, the morals it intended to 
correct, and made the unhappy sufferer add to his 
former crimes, the atrocity of declaring a falsehood 
in his last moments. Now, what particular instances 
of rigour are here alluded to, it is difficult to guess: 
for surely the execution of a man whom he sets 
down as guilty of a design to murder the two royal 
brothers, could not, even in the judgment of per- 
sons much less accustomed than Sir John to palliate 
the crimes of princes, be looked upon as an act of 
blameable severity ; but it was thought, perhaps, 
that for the purpose of conveying a calumny upon 
the persons concerned, or accused of being concerned, 



532 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER in the Rye-house plot, an affected censure upon 
— — — the government would be the fittest vehicle. 
Hisdeciara- The fact itself, that Rumbold did, in his last 



tion exami- 



ned, hours, solemnly deny the having been concerned in 

any project for assassinating the King or Duke, has 
not, I believe, been questioned/' It is not invali- 
dated by the silence of some historians : it is con- 
firmed by the mis-representation of others. The 
first question that naturally presents itself, must 
be, was this declaration true? The asseverations 
of dying men have always had, and will always 
have, great influence upon the minds of those who 
do not push their ill opinion of mankind to the 
most outrageous and unwarrantable length ; but 
though the weight of such asseverations be in all 
cases great, it will not be in all equal. It is mate- 
rial therefore to consider, first, what are the circum- 
stances which may tend in particular cases to dimi- 
nish their credit ; and next, how far such circum- 
stances appear to have existed in the case before 
us. The case where this species of evidence would 
be the least convincing, would be where hope of 
pardon is entertained; for then the man is not a 
dying man in the sense of the proposition, for he 

* It is confirmed, beyond contradiction, by Lord Fountainhall's 
account of his trial and execution. Vide Appendix. E. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 233 

has not that certainty that his falsehood will not chapter 

. . . > ifi. 
avail him, which is the principal foundation of the — . 

credit due to his assertions. For the same reason, 
though in a less degree, he who hopes for favour to 
his children, or to other surviving connections, is to 
be listened to with some caution ; for the existence 
of one virtue, does not necessarily prove that of 
another, and he who loves his children and friends 
may yet be profligate and unprincipled, or, deceiv- 
ing himself, may think, that while his ends are lau- 
dable, he ought not to hesitate concerning the means. 
Beside these more obvious temptations to prevarica- 
tion, there is another, which, though it may lie some- 
what deeper, yet experience teaches us to be rooted 
in human nature: I mean that sort of obstinacy, or 
false shame, which makes men so unwilling to re- 
tract what they have once advanced, whether in mat- 
ter of opinion, or of fact. The general character of 
the man is also in this, as in all other human tes- 
timony, a circumstance of the greatest moment. 
Where none of the above mentioned objections oc- 
cur, and where, therefore, the weight of evidence 
in question is confessedly considerable, yet is it still 
liable to be balanced or outweighed by evidence tti 
the opposite scale. 
LetRumbold's declaration then, be examined upon 

H h 



534 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



CHAPTER these principles, and we shall find that it has every 
character of truth, without a single circumstance to 



III. 



1685. 



His testi-' discredit it. He was so far from entertaining any hope 

mony appa- riiii«i O/I^ 

rentiytrue. of pardon, that he did not seem even to wish it; and 
indeed, if he had had any such chimerical object in 
view, he must have known, that to have supplied 
the Government with a proof of the Rye-house Assas- 
sination plot, would be a more likely road at least, 
than a steady denial, to obtain it. He left none be- 
hind him, for whom to entreat favour, or whose 
welfare or honour were at all affected by any con- 
fession or declaration he might make. If, in a pros- 
pective view, he was without temptation, so neither 
if he looked back, was he fettered by any former 
declaration; so that he could not be influenced by 
that erroneous notion of consistency, to which, it 
may be feared, that truth, even in the most awful 
moments, has in some cases been sacrificed. His 
timely escape, in sixteen hundred and eighty-three, 
had saved him from the necessity of making any 
protestation upon the subject of his innocence at 
that time; and the words of the letter to Walcot are 
so far from containing such a protestation, that they 
are quoted, (very absurdly, it is true,) by Sir John 
Dalrymple, as an avowal of guilt. If his testimony 
is free from these particular objections, much less is 



1685. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 2,35 

it impeached by his general character, which was chapter 
that of a bold and daring man, who was very un- 
likely to feel shame in avowing what he had not 
been ashamed to commit, and who seems to have 
taken a delight in speaking bold truths, or at least 
what appeared to him to be such, without regard- 
ing the manner in which his hearers were likely to 
receive them. With respect to the last considera- 
tion, that of the opposite evidence, it all depends 
upon the veracity of men, who, according to their 
own account, betrayed their comrades, and were 
actuated by the hope either of pardon or reward. 

It appears to be of the more consequence to clear importance 

1 ' 1 T 1 1 1 1 r . . ofthefact. 

up this matter, because, ii we should be or opinion, 
as I think we all must be, that the story of the in- 
tended assassination of the King, in his way from 
Newmarket, is as fabulous as that of the silver bullets 
by which he was to have been shot at Windsor, a 
most singular train of reflections will force itself 
upon our minds, as well in regard to the character 
of the times, as to the means by which the two 
causes gained successively the advantage over each 
other. The Royalists had found it impossible to dis- 
credit the fiction, gross as it was, of the Popish plot; 
nor could they prevent it from being a powerful 
engine in the hands of the Whigs, who, during the 



%SQ HISTORY OF THE RElGiN 

CHAPTER alarm raised by it, gained an irresistible superiority 

'• — in the House of Commons, in the city of London, 

and in most parts of the kingdom. But they who 
could not quiet a false alarm raised by their adver- 
saries, found little or no difficulty in raising one 
equally false in their own favour, by the supposed 
detection of the intended assassination. With regard 
to the advantages derived to the respective parties 
from those detestable fictions, if it be urged, on one 
hand, that the panick spread by the Whigs was more 
universal, and more violent in its effects, it must be 
allowed, on the other, that the advantages gained by 
the Tories were, on account of their alliance with the 
Crown, more durable and decisive. There is a su- 
perior solidity ever belonging to the power of the 
Crown, as compared with that of any body of men 
or party, or even with either of the other branches 
of the legislature. A party has influence, but, pro- 
perly speaking, no power. The Houses of Parlia- 
ment have abundance of power, but, as bodies, little 
or no influence. The Crown has both power and 
influence, which, when exerted with wisdom and 
steadiness, will always be found too strong for any 
opposition whatever, till the zeal and fidelity of party 
attachments shall be found to increase in proportion 
to the increased influence of the executive power. 



invasion. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 537 

While these matters were transacting; in Scotland, chapter 

. Ill- 
Monmouth, conformably to his promise to Argyle, 

set sail from Holland, and landed at Lyme in Dor- Monmouth's 
setshire on the eleventh of June. He was attended 
by Lord Grey of Wark, Fletcher of Salton, Colonel 
Matthews, Ferguson, and a few other gentlemen. 
His reception was, among the lower ranks, cordial, 
and for some days, at least, if not weeks, there seemed 
to have been more foundation for the sanguine hopes 
of Lord Grey, and others, his followers, than the 
Duke had supposed. The first step taken by the 
invader, was to issue a proclamation, which he caused 
to be read in the market-place. In this instrument 
he touched upon what were, no doubt, thought to be 
the most popular topicks; and loaded James, and his 
Catholick friends, with every imputation which had 
at any time been thrown against them. This decla- 
ration appears to have been well received, and the 
numbers that came in to him were very consider- 
able; but his means of arming them were limited, 
nor had he much confidence, for the purpose of any 
important military operation, in men unused to dis- 
cipline, and wholly unacquainted with the art of 
war. Without examining the question, whether or 
not Monmouth, from his professional prejudices^ 
carried, as some have alledged he did, his diffidence 



2,38 HISTORY OF THE REIGiN 

CHAPTER of unpractised soldiers, and new levies, too far, it 
seems clear that, in his situation, the best, or rather 

1685. 

the only chance of success, was to be looked for in 
counsels of the boldest kind. If he could not imme- 
diately strike some important stroke, it was not likely 
that he ever should; nor indeed was he in a condition 
to wait. He could not flatter himself, as Argyle had 
done, that he had a strong country, full of relations 
and dependants, where he might secure himself till 
the co-operation of his confederate, or some other 
favourable circumstance, might put it in his power 
to act more efficaciously. Of any brilliant success in 
Scotland he could not, at this time, entertain any 
hope, nor if he had, could he rationally expect that 
any events in that quarter would make the sort of 
impression here, which, on the other hand, his suc- 
cess would produce in Scotland. With money he 
was wholly unprovided ; nor does it appear, whatever 
may have been the inclination of some considerable 
men, such as Lords Macclesfield, Brandon, Delamere, 
and others, that any persons of that description were 
engaged to join in his enterprise. His reception had 
been above his hopes, and his recruits more nume- 
rous than could be expected, or than he was able 
to furnish with arms; while, on the other hand, the 
forces in arms against him consisted chiefly in a 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 539 

militia, formidable neither from numbers nor dis- chapter 

III. 

cipline, and moreover suspected of disaffection. The 

present moment therefore, seemed to offer the most 
favourable opportunity for enterprise of any that 
was like to occur ; but the unfortunate Monmouth 
judged otherwise, and, as if he were to defend rather 
than to attack, directed his chief policy to the avoid- 
ing of a general action. 

It being however absolutely necessary to dislodge His success 

. 11^^ Bridport. 

some troops which the Earl of Faversham had 
thrown into Bridport, a detachment of three hundred 
men was made for that purpose, which had the most 
complete success, notwithstanding the cowardice of 
Lord Grey, who commanded them. This nobleman, 
who had been so instrumental in persuading his 
friend to the invasion, upon the first appearance of 
danger, is said to have left the troops whom he com- 
manded, and to have sought his own personal safety 
in flight. The troops carried Bridport, to the shame 
of the commander who had deserted them and re- 
turned to Lyme. 

It is related by Ferguson, that Monmouth said to 
Matthews, " What shall I do with Lord Grey?" to 
which the other answered, " That he was the only 
" general in Europe who would ask such a ques- 
" tion;" intending, no doubt, to reproach the Duke 



24a HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER with the excess to which he pushed hischaracteristick 

III. . 
virtues of mildness and forbearance. That these 

virtues formed a part of his character, is most true, and 
the personal friendship in which he had lived with 
Grey, would incline him still more to (he exercise 
of them upon this occasion; but it is to be remembered 
also, that the delinquent was, in respect of rank, 
property, and perhaps too of talent, by far the most 
considerable man he had with him ; and therefore, 
that prudential motives might concur, to deter a 
General from proceeding to violent measures with 
such a person, especially in a civil war, where the 
discipline of an armed party cannot be conducted 
upon the same system as that of a regular army 
serving in a foreign war. Monmouth's disappoint- 
ment in Lord Grey was aggravated by the loss of 
Fletcher of Salton, who, in a sort of scuffle that 
ensued, upon his being reproached for having seized 
a horse belonging to a man of the country, had the 
misfortune to kill the owner. Monmouth, however 
unwilling, thought himself obliged to dismiss him; 
and thus, while a fatal concurrence of circumstances 
forced him to part with the man he esteemed, and to 
retain him whom he despised, he found himself at 
once disappointed of the support of the two persons 
upon whom he had most relied. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^41 

On the fifteenth of June, his army being now chapter 

increased to near three thousand men, the Duke '. — 

marched from Lyme. He does not appear to have Hissubfe- 

, , . . , . . P . quent pro- 

taken this step with a view to any enterprise ot im- gress. 
portance, but rather to avoid the danger which he 
apprehended from the motions of the Devonshire 
and Somerset militias, whose object it seemed to be 
to shut him up in Lyme. In his first day's march, 
he had opportunities of engaging, or rather of pur- 
suing each of those bodies, who severally retreated 
fromhis forces ; but conceiving it to be his business, 
as he said, not to fight but to march on, he went 
through Axminster, and encamped in a strong piece 
of ground between that town and Chard in Somer- 
setshire, to which place he proceeded on the ensu- 
ing day. According to Wade's narrative, which 
appears to afford by far the most authentic account 
of these transactions, here it was that the first pro- 
position was made for proclaiming Monmouth King^ 
Ferguson made the proposal, and was supported by 
Lord Grey, but it was easili/ run down, as Wade ex- 
presses it, bi/ those who were against it^ and whom, 
therefore, we must suppose to have formed a very 
considerable majority of the persons deemed of suf- 
ficient importance to be consulted on such an oc- 
casion. These circumstances are material, because 

I i 



24Z HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



CHAPTER if that credit be given to them which they appear 

'. — to deserve, Ferguson's want of veracity becomes so 

notorious, that it is hardly worth while to attend to 
any part of his narrative . Where it only corroborates 
accounts given by others, it is of little use; and 
where it differs from them, it deserves no credit. 
I have therefore wholly disregarded it. 
His reception From Chard, Monmouth and his party proceeded 

at Taunton. ^ J *^ 

to Taunton, a town, where, as well for the tenour of 
former occurrences, as from the zeal and number of 
the Protestant Dissenters, who formed a great por- 
tion of its inhabitants, he had every reason to ex- 
pect the most favourable reception. His expectations 
were not disappointed. The inhabitants of the up- 
per, as well as the lower classes vied with each other 
in testifying their affection for his person, and their 
zeal fbr his cause. While the latter rent the air with 
applauses and acclamations, the former opened their 
houses to him and to his followers, and furnished 
his army with necessaries and supplies of every 
Icind. His way was strewed with flowers: the win- 
dows were thronged with spectators, all anxious to 
participate in what the warm feelings of the moment 
made them deem a triumph. Husbands pointed out to 
their wives, mothers to their children, the brave and 
lovely hero, who was destined to be the deliverer of 



1685. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 543 

his country. The beautiful lines which Dryden chapter 
makes Achitophel, in his highest strain of flattery, 
apply to this unfortunate noblemanj were in this 
instance literally verified : 

" Thee, Saviour, thee-, the nation's vows confess, 

" And never satisfied Avith seeing, bless. 

" Swift unbespoken pomps thy steps proclaim, 

" And stammering ba:bes are taught to lisp thy name." 

In the midst of these joyous scenes, twenty-six 
young maids, of the best families in the town pre- 
sented him, in the name of their townsmen, with 
colours wrought by them for the purpose, and with 
a Bible; upon receiving which he said, that he had 
taken the field with a design to defend the truth 
contained in that book, and to seal it with his blood 
if there was occasion. 

In such circumstances it is no wonder that his He is joined 
army increased ; and indeed, exclusive of indivi- families. 
dual recruits, he was here strengthened by the arri- 
val of Colonel Bassett with a considerable corps. 
But in the midst of these prosperous circumstances, 
some of them of such apparent importance to the 
success of his enterprize, all of them highly flatter- 
ing to his feelings, he did not fail to observe that 
one favourable symptom, (and that too of the most 



244 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER decisive nature,) was still wanting. None of the 

'. — considerable families, not a single nobleman, and 

scarcely any gentleman of rank and consequence in 
the counties through which he had passed, had 
declared in his favour. Popular applause is un- 
doubtedly sweet ; and not only so, it often furnishes 
most powerful means to the genius that knows how 
to make use of them. But Monmouth well knew 
that without the countenance and assistance of a 
proportion, at least, of the higher ranks in the coun- 
try, there was, for an undertaking like his, little 
prospect of success. He could not but have re- 
marked that the habits and prejudices of the English 
people ar%, in a great degree, aristocratical ; nor had 
he before him, nor indeed have we, since his time, 
had one single example of an insurrection that was 
successful, unaided by the ancient families and great 
landed proprietors. He must have felt this the- 
more, because, in former parts of his political life, 
he had been accustomed to act with such coadjutors; 
and it is highly probable, that if Lord Russel had 
been alive, and could have appeared at the head of 
one hundred only of his western tenantry, such a 
reinforcement would have inspired him with more 
real confidence, than the thousands who individually 
flocked to his standard. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^45 

But though Russel was no more, there were not chapter 

wanting, either in the provinces through which 

the Duke passed, or in other parts of the king;- He declares 

J 1,1 J 1Ur-l- I, himself King. 

dom, many noble and wealthy families, who were^ 
attached to the principles of the Whigs. To ac- 
count for their neutrality, and, if possible, to per- 
suade them to a different conduct, was naturally 
among his principal concerns. Their present cold- 
ness might be imputed to the indistinctness of his 
declarations, with respect to what was intended to be 
the future government. Men zealous for monarchy, 
might not choose to embark without some certain 
pledge that their favourite form should be preserved. 
They would also expect to be satisfied with respect 
to the person whom their arms, if successful, were 
to place upon the throne. To promise, therefore, 
the continuance of a monarchial establishment, and 
to designate the future monarch, seemed to be ne- 
cessary for the purpose of acquiring aristocratical 
support. Whatever might be the intrinsick weight 
of this argument, it easily made its way with Mon- 
mouth in his present situation. The aspiring tem- 
per of mind which is the natural consequence of 
popular favour and success, produced in him a dis- 
position to listen to any suggestion which tended to 
his elevation and aggrandisement; and when he 



^4^ HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



CHAPTER could pcfsuade himself upon reasons specious at 

'. — least, that the measures which would most gratify 

his aspiring desires, would be, at the same time, a 
stroke of the soundest policy, it is not to be won- 
dered at, that it was immediately and impatiently 
adopted. Urged therefore, by these mixed motives, 
he declared himself King, and issued divers procla- 
mations in the royal style ; assigning to those whose 
approbation he doubted, the reasons above advert- 
ed to, and proscribing, and threatening with the 
punishment due to rebellion, such as should resist 
his mandates, and adhere to the usurping Duke 
of York. 
Dissatisfac- If this measure was in reality taken with views 
occasions, of poHcy, thosc views were miserably disappointed ; 
for it does not appear that one proselyte was gained. 
The threats in the proclamation were received with 
derision by the King's army, and no other senti- 
ments were excited by the assumption of the royal 
title, than those of contempt and indignation. The 
commonwealthsmen were dissatisfied, of course, with 
the principle of the measure : the favourers of here- 
ditary right held it in abhorrence, and considered 
it as a kind of sacrilegious profanation ; nor even 
among those who considered monarchy in a more 
rational light, and as a magistracy instituted for the 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. H7 

good of the people, could it be at all agreeable that chapter 

such a magistrate should be elected by the army that 

had thronged to his standard, or by the particular 
partiality of a provincial town . Monmouth's strength 
therefore, was by no means increased by his new 
title, and seemed to be still limited to two descrip- 
tions of persons; first, those who from thoughtless- 
ness or desperation, were willing to join in any 
attempt at innovation ; secondly, such as directing 
their views to a single point, considered the destruc- 
tion of James's tyranny as the object which, at all ha- 
zards, and without regard to consequences, they were 
bound to pursue. On the other hand, his reputation 
both for moderation and good faith was considerably 
impaired, inasmuch, as his present conduct was in 
direct contradiction to that part of his Declaration, 
wherein he had promised to leave the future adjust- 
ment of government, and especially tlie considera- 
tion of his own claims, to a free and independent 
parliament. 

The notion of improving his new levies by Delay at 
discipline, seems to have taken such possession of 
Monmouth's mind, that he overlooked the probable, 
or rather the certain consequences of a delay, by 
which the enemy would be enabled to bring into 
the field, forces far better disciplined- and appointed 



^48 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER than any which, even with the most strenuous and 

III. 
successful exertions, he could hope to oppose to 

them. Upon this principle, and especially as he 
had not yet fixed upon any definite object of enter- 
prize, he did not think a stay of a few days at Taunton 
would be materially, if at all prejudicial to his affairs, 
and it was not till the twenty-first of June that he 
proceeded to Bridgewater, where he was received 
in the most cordial manner. In his march the fol- 
lowing day from that town to Glastonbury, he was 
alarmed by a party of the Earl of Oxford's horse ; 
but all apprehensions of any material interruptions 
were removed, by an account of the militia having 
left Wells, and retreated to Bath and Bristol. From 
Glastonbury he went to Shipton-Mallet, where the 
Designtoat- projcct of au attaclc upon Bristol was first commu- 
nicated by the Duke to his oflScers. After some dis- 
cussion, it was agreed that the attack should be 
made on the Gloucestershire side of the city, and 
with that view, to pass the Avon at Kfeynsham- 
bridge,a few miles from Bath. In their march from 
Shipton-Mallet, the troops were again harassed in 
their rear by a party of horse and dragoons, but 
lodged quietly at night at a village called Pensford. 
A detachment was sent early the next morning to 
possess itself of Keynsham, and to repair the bridge, 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 549 



which might probably be broken down, to prevent chapter 

a passage. Upon their approach, a troop of the 

Gloucestershire horse militia immediately abandoned 
the town in great precipitation, leaving behind them 
two horses and one man. By break of day, the 
bridge, which had not been much injured, was re- 
paired, and before noon Monmouth, having passed 
it with his whole army, was in full march to Bristol, 
which he determined to attack the ensuing night. 
But the weather proving rainy and bad, it was 
deemed expedient to return to Keynsham, a measure 
from which he expected to reap a double advantage; 
to procure dry and commodious quarters for the 
soldiery, and to lull the enemy, by a movement 
which bore the semblance of a retreat, into a false 
and delusive security. The event however did not 
answer his expectation, for the troops had scarcely 
taken up their quarters, when they were disturbed 
by two parties of horse, who entered the town at 
two several places. An engagement ensued, in 
which Monmouth lost fourteen men, and a captain 
of horse, though in the end the Royalists were 
obliged to retire, leaving three prisoners. From these 
the Duke had information that the King's army was 
near at hand, and as they said, about four thousand 
strong. 

K k 



^50 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER This new state of aflFairs seemed to demand new 

1 — '. councils. The projected enterprize upon Bristol was 

Marches'to- laid aside, and the question was, whether to make 
ihire. by forced marches for Gloucester, in order to pass 

the Severn at that city, and so to gain the counties 
of Salop and Chester where he expected to be met 
by many friends, or to march directly into Wiltshire, 
where, according to some intelligence received* 
[" from one Adlam,"] the day before, there was a 
considerable body of horse, (under whose command 
does not appear,) ready, by their junction, to aiford 
him a most important and seasonable support. To 
the first of these plans, a decisive objection was 
stated. The distance by Gloucester was so great, 
that considering the slow marches to which he 
would be limited, by the daily attacks with which 
the different small bodies of the enemy's cavalry 
would not fail to harass his rear, he was in great 
danger of being overtaken by the King's forces, and 
might thus be driven to risk all in an engagement 
upon terms the most disadvantageous. On the con- 
trary, if joined in Wiltshire by the expected aids, 

* Reference is made to Adlam's intelligence, page 252. It is clear 
therefore that Mr. Fox had intended to name him, but as he omitted 
to do so, the words between the inverted commas, have been inserted 
by the Editor. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^5 J 



he might confidently offer battle to the Royal army; chapter 

and provided he could bring them to an action before 

they were strengthened by new reinforcements, 
there was no unreasonable prospect of success. The 
latter plan was therefore adopted, and no sooner 
adopted than put in execution. The army was in 
motion without delay, and being before Bath on the 
morning of the twenty-sixth of June, summoned the 
place, rather (as it should seem,) in sport than in 
earnest, as there was no hope of its surrender. After 
this bravado they marched on southward to Philip's- 
Norton, where they rested ; the horse in the town, 
and the foot in the field. 
While Monmouth was making these marches, there insuncciion 

at Froome 

were not wanting in many parts of the adjacent suppressed. 
country, strong symptoms of the attachment of the 
lower orders of people to his cause, and more espe- 
cially in those manufacturing towns, where the Pro- 
testant dissenters were numerous. In Froome, there 
had been a considerable rising headed by the con- 
stable, who posted up the Duke's Declaration in the 
market-place. Many of the inhabitants of the neigh- 
bouring towns of Westbury and Warminster, came 
in throngs to the town to join the insurgents; some 
armed with fire-arms, but more with such rustick 
weapons as opportunity could supply. Such a force, 



%b% HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER if it had joined the main army, or could have been 

— '. otherwise directed by any leader of judgment and 

authority, might have proved very serviceable; but 
in its present state it was a mere rabble, and upon 
the first appearance of the Earl of Pembroke, who 
entered the town with a hundred and sixty horse, 
and forty musqueteers, fell, as might be expected, 
into total confusion. The rout was complete; all the 
arms of the insurgents were seized; and the con- 
stable, after having been compelled to abjure his 
principles, and confess the enormity of his offence, 
was committed to prison. 
Monmouth's This trausaction took place the twenty-fifth, the 
raent. day before Monmouth's arrival at Philip 's-Norton^ 
and may have, in a considerable degree, contributed 
to the disappointment, of which we learn from Wade, 
that he at this time began bitterly to complain. He 
was now upon the confines of Wiltshire, and near 
enough for the bodies of horse, upon whose favour- 
able intentions so much reliance had been placed, 
to have effected a junction, if they had been so 
disposed; but whether that Adlam's intelligence had 
been originally bad, or that Pemb)roke's proceedings 
at Froome had intimidated them, no symptom of 
such an intention could be discovered. A deser- 
tion took place in his army, which the exaggerated 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 253 

accounts in the Gazette made to amount to near two chapter 

thousand men. These dispiriting circumstances, • 

added to the complete disappointment of the hopes 
entertained from the assumption of the royal title, 
produced in him a state of mind but little short of 
despondency. He complained that all people had 
deserted him, and is said to have been so dejected, 
as hardly to have the spirit requisite for giving the 
necessary orders. 

From this state of torpor, however, he appears to Attacked at 

^ . . PhilipVNor- 

have been effectually roused, by a brisk attack that «o^- 
was made upon him on the twenty-seventh, in the 
morning, by the Royalists, under the command of 
his half-brother, the Duke of Grafton. That spirited 
young nobleman, (whose intrepid courage, conspi- 
cuous upon every occasion, led him in this, and 
many other instances, to risk a life, which he finally 
lost* in a better cause,) heading an advanced detach- 
ment of Lord Faversham's army, who had marched 
from Bath, with a view to fall on the enemy's rear, 

* At the siege of Cork in I690. " In this action,'* (the taking of 
Cork by storm,) " the Duke of Grafton received a shot, of which he 
" died in a few days. He was the more lamented, as being the person 
" of all King Charles's children of whom there was the greatest hope; 
" he was brave, and probably would have become a great man at sea." 
Burnet, III. 83. He distinguished himself particularly in the action 
off Beachy- head that same year. Sir J. Dalrymple, II. I31. E. 



^54 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER marched boldly up a narrow lane leading to the 

'. — town, and attacked a barricade, which Monmouth 

had caused to be made across the way, at the entrance 
of the town. Monmouth was no sooner apprised 
of this brisk attack, than he ordered a party to go 
out of the town by a bye-way, who coming on the 
rear of the grenadiers, while others of his men were 
engaged with their front, had nearly surrounded 
them, and taken their commander prisoner, but 
Grafton forced his way through the enemy. An 
engagement ensued between the insurgents and the 
remainder of Faversham's detachment, who had lined 
TheRoyaiists the hcdges which flanked them. The former were 
victorious, and after driving the enemy from hedge 
to hedge, forced them at last into the open field, 
where they joined the rest of the King's forces^ 
newly come up. The killed and wounded in these 
rencounters amounted to about forty on Faversham's 
side, twenty on Monmouth's; but among the latter 
there were several officers, and some of note, while 
the loss of the former, with the exception of two 
volunteers, Seymour and May, consisted entirely of 
common soldiers. 

The Royalists now drew up on an eminence, 
about five hundred paces from the hedges, while 
Monmouth having placed of his four field- pieces, 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 2,55 



two at the mouth of the lane, and two upon a rising chapter 

ground near it on the right, formed his army along 

the hedge. From these stations, a firing of artillery 
was begun on each side, and continued near six 
hours, but with little or no effect ; Monmouth, ac- 
cording to Wade, losing but one, and the Royalists, 
according to the Gazette, not one man, by the whole 
cannonade. In these circumstances, notwithstanding 
the recent and convincing experience he now had, 
of the ability of his raw troops, to face, in certain 
situations at least, the more regular forces of his 
enemy, Monmouth was advised by some to retreat ; 
but, upon a more general consultation, this advice 
was over-ruled, and it was determined to cut pas- 
sages through the hedges and to offer battle. But, 
before this could be effected, the royal army, not 
willing again to engage among the enclosures, an- 
noyed in the open field by the rain, which continued 
to fall very heavily, and disappointed, no doubt, at 
the little effect of their artillery, began their retreat. 
The little confidence which Monmouth had in his 
horse, perhaps the ill opinion he now entertained 
of their leader, forbad him to think of pursuit, and 
having staid till a late hour in the field, and leaving 
large fires burning, he set out on his march in the 
night, and on the twenty-eighth in the morning 



S56 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER reached Froome, where he put his troops in quarter 

and rested two days. 

Relapses into -^^ was here he first. heard certain news of Argyle's 

espon ency. jiscomfiture. It was in vain to seek for any circum- 
stance in his affairs that might mitigate the effect of 
the severe blow inflicted by this intelligence, and 
he relapsed into the same low spirits as at Philip's- 
Norton. No diversion, at least no successful diver- 
sion, had been made in his favour: there was no 
appearance of the horse, which had been the prin- 
cipal motive to allure him into that part of the 
country; and what was worst of all, no desertion 
from the King's army. It was manifest, said the 
Duke's more timid advisers, that the affair must ter- 
minate ill, and the only measure now to be taken, 
was, that the General with his officers should leave 
the army to shift for itself, and make severally for 
the most convenient sea-ports, whence they might 
possibly get a safe passage to the Continent. To ac- 
count for Monmouth's entertaining, even for a mo- 
ment, a thought so unworthy of him, and so incon- 
sistent with the character for spirit he had ever 
maintained, a character unimpeached, even by his 
enemies, we must recollect the unwillingness with 
which he undertook this fatal expedition ; that his 
engagement to Argyle, who was now past help, 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 557 



was perhaps his principal motive for embarking at chapter 

the time; that it was with great reluctance he had 

torn himself from the arms of Lady Harriet Went- 
worth, with whom he had so firmly persuaded him- 
self that he could be happy in the most obscure re- 
tirement, that he believed himself weaned from 
ambition, which had hitherto been the only passion 
of his mind. It is true, that when he had once yielded 
to the solicitations of his friends, so far as to under- 
take a business of such magnitude, it was his duty, 
(but a duty that required a stronger mind than his to 
execute,) to discard from his thoughts all the argu- 
ments that had rendered his compliance reluctant. 
But it is one of the great distinctions between an 
ordinary mind and a super iour one, to be able to 
carry on, without relenting, a plan we have not origi- 
nally approved, and especially when it appears to 
have turned out ill. This proposal of disbanding 
was a step so pusillanimous and dishonourable, that 
it could not be approved by any council however 
composed. It was condemned by all except Colonel 
Venner, and was particularly inveighed against by 
Lord Grey, who was perhaps desirous of retrieving, 
by bold words at least, the reputation he had lost at 
Bridport. It is possible too, that he might be really 
unconscious of his deficiency in point of personal 

L I 



558 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER courage till the moment of danp;er arrived, and even 

III. . . 
forgetful of it when it was passed. Monmouth was 

easily persuaded to give up a plan so uncongenial to 
his nature, resolved, though with little hope of suc- 
cess, to remain with his army to take the chance of 
events, and at the worst to stand or fall with men 
whose attachment to him had laid him under in- 
delible obligations. 
Return to Tliis rcsolutiou being taken, the first plan was to 

Bridgewater. i atit- • i i • r i - 

proceed to Warminster, but on the mornmg ot his 
departure, hearing, on the one hand, that the King's 
troops were likely to cross his march; and on tlie 
other, being informed by a Quaker before known to 
the Duke, that there was a great club army, amount- 
ing to ten thousand men, ready to join his standard 
in the marshes to the westward, he altered his in- 
tention, and returned to Shipton-Mallet, where he 
rested that night, his army being in good quarters. 
From Shipton-Mallet he proceeded, on the first of 
July, to Wells, upon information that there was in 
that city some carriages belonging to the King's 
army, and ill guarded. These he found and took, 
and stayed that night in the town. The following 
day he marched towards Bridgewater, in search of 
the great succour he had been taught to expect ; but 
found, of the promised ten thousand men, only a 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^59 

hundred and sixty. The army lay that night in the chapter 

field, and once again entered Bridgewater on the 

third of July. That the Duke's men were not yet 
completely dispirited or out of heart, appears from 
the circumstance of great numbers of them going 
from Bridgewater to see their friends at Taunton, and 
other places in the neighbourhood, and almost all re- 
turning the next day according to their promise. On 
the fifth an account was received of the King's army 
being considerably advanced, and Monmouth's first 
thought was to retreat from it immediately, and 
marching by Axbridge and Keynsham to Gloucester, 
to pursue the plan formerly rejected, of penetrating 
into the counties of Chester and Salop. 

His preparations for this march were all made, Battle of 
when, on the afternoon of the fifth, he learnt, more Jutysth/ 
accurately than he had before done, the true situation 
of the Royal army, and from the information now 
received, he thought it expedient to consult his 
principal officers, whether it might not be advisable 
to attempt to surprise the enemy by a night attack 
upon their quarters. The prevailing opinion was, 
that if the infantry were not intrenched, the plan 
was worth the trial ; otherwise not. Scouts were 
dispatched to ascertain this point, and their report 
being, that there was no intrenchment, an attack was 



1685. 



i?60 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER resolved on. In pursuance of this resolution, at 
about eleven at night, the whole army was in march, 
Lord Grey commanding the horse, and Colonel 
Wade the vanguard of the foot. The Duke's orders 
were, that the horse should first advance, and push- 
ing into the enemy's camp, endeavour to prevent 
their infantry from coming together ; that the can- 
non should follow the horse, and the foot the cannon, 
and draw all up in one line, and so finish what the 
cavalry should have begun, before the King's horse 
and artillery could be got in order. But it was now 
discovered that though there were no intrenchments, 
there was a ditch which served as a drain to the 
great moor adjacent, of which no mention had been 
made by the scouts. To this ditch the horse under 
Lord Grey advanced, and no farther; and whether 
immediately, as according to some accounts, or after 
having been considerably harassed by the enemy 
in their attempts to find a place to pass, according to 
others, quitted the field. The cavalry being gone, 
and the principle upon which the attack had been 
undertaken being that of a surprise, the Duke judged 
it necessary that the infantry should advance as 
speedily as possible. Wade, therefore, when he 
came within forty paces of the ditch, was obHged to 
halt to put his battalion into that order, which the 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 261 



extreme rapidity of the march had for the time dis- chapter 

concerted. His plan was to pass the ditch, reserving '. — 

his fire ; but while he was arranging his men for 
that purpose, another battalion, newly come up, 
began to fire, though at a considerable distance ; a 
bad example, which it was impossible to prevent 
the vanguard from following, and it was now no 
longer in the power of their commander to persuade 
them to advance. The King's forces, as well horse 
and artillery as foot, had now full time to assemble. 
The Duke had no longer cavalry in the field, and 
though his artillery, which consisted only of three 
or four iron guns, was well served under the direc- 
tions of a Dutch gunner, it was by no means equal 
to that of the Royal army, which, as soon as it was 
light, began to do great execution. In these circum- 
stances the unfortunate Monmouth, fearful of being 
encompassed and made prisoner by the King's ca- 
valry, who were approaching upon his flank, and 
urged, as it is reported, to flight by the same person 
who had stimulated him to his fatal enterprize, 
quitted the field, accompanied by Lord Grey and 
some others. The left wing, under the command of 
Colonel Holmes and Matthews, next gave way; and 
Wade's men, after having continued for an hour and 
a half, a distant and ineffectual fire, seeing their left 



%&Z HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER discomfited, began a retreat, which soon afterwards 
"'• became a complete rout. 

cause^oftbc Thus cndcd the decisive battle of Sedgemore; an 
attack which seems to have been judiciously con- 
ceived, and in many parts spiritedly executed. 
The General was deficient neither in courage or 
conduct ; and the troops, while they displayed the 
native bravery of Englishmen, were under as good 
discipline as could be expected from bodies newly 
raised. Two circumstances seem to have principally 
contributed to the loss of the day ; first, the unforeseen 
difficulty occasioned by the ditch, of which the as- 
sailants had had no intelligence; and secondly, the 
cowardice of the commander of the horse. The disco- 
very of the ditch was the more alarming, because it 
threw a general doubt upon the information of the 
spies, and the night being dark they could not ascer- 
tain that this was the only impediment of the kind 
which they were to expect. The dispersion of the 
horse was still more fatal, inasmuch as it deranged 
the whole order of the plan, by which it had been 
concerted that their operations were to facilitate the 
attack to be made by the foot. If Lord Grey had pos- 
sessed a spirit more suitable to his birth and name, 
to the illustrious friendship with which he had 
been honoured, and to the command with which lie 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^63 

was intrusted, he would doubtless have persevered • chapter 

till he found a passage into the enemy's camp, which !^- 

could have been effected at a ford not far distant : 
the loss of time occasioned by the ditch might not 
have been very material, and the most important 
consequences might have ensued ; but it would 
surely be rashness to assert, as Hume does, that the 
army would after all have gained the victory, had 
not the misconduct of Monmouth and the cowardice 
of Grey prevented it. This rash judgment is the 
more to be admired at, as the historian has not 
pointed out the instance of misconduct to which he 
refers. The number of Monmouth's men killed is 
computed by some at two thousand, by others at 
three hundred ; a disparity, however, which may be 
easily reconciled, by supposing that the one account 
takes in those who were killed in battle, while the 
other comprehends the wretched fugitives who were 
massacred in ditches, corn fields, and other hiding 
places, the following day. 

In general I have thought it right to follow Wade's The Duke's 

, escape from 

narrative, which appears to me by far the most the field, 
authentick, if not the only authentick account of 
this important transaction. It is imperfect, but its 
imperfection arises from the narrator's omitting all 
those circumstances of which he was not an eye wit- 



^64 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER ness, and the greater credit is on that very account 

due to him for those which he relates. With respect 

to Monmouth's quitting the field, it is not mentioned 
by him, nor is it possible to ascertain the precise 
point of time at which it happened. That he fled 
while his troops were still fighting, and therefore 
too soon for his glory, can scarcely be doubted ; and 
the account given by Ferguson, whose veracity how- 
ever is always to be suspected, that Lord Grey urged 
him to the measure, as well by persuasion as by ex- 
ample, seems not improbable. The misbehaviour of 
the last mentioned nobleman is more certain ; but 
as, according to Ferguson, who has been followed by 
others, he actually conversed with Monmouth in 
the field, and as all accounts make him the com- 
panion of his flight, it is not to be understood that 
when he first gave way with his cavalry, he ran 
away in the literal sense of the words, or if he did 
he must have returned. The exact truth, with re- 
gard to this and many other interesting particulars, 
is difficult to be discovered ; owing, not more to the 
darkness of the night in which they were transacted, 
than to the personal partialities and enmities by 
which they have been disfigured, in the relations 
of the different contemporary writers. 

Monmouth with his suite first directed his course 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 565 

towards the Bristol-channel, and as is related by chapter 

. . . . Ill- 
Oldmixon, was once inclined, at the suggestion of 

Dr. Oliver, a faithful and honest adviser, to embark Discovered. 
for the coast of Wales, with a view of concealing 
himself some time in that Principality. Lord Grey, 
who appears to have been, in all instances, his evil 
genius, dissuaded him from this plan, and the small 
party having separated, took each several ways. 
Monmouth, Grey, and a gentleman of Brandenburg, 
went southward, with a view to gain the New-Forest 
in Hampshire, where, by means of Grey's connec- 
tions in that district, and thorough knowledge of 
the country, it was hoped they might be in safety, 
till a vessel could be procured to transport them to 
the Continent. They left their horses, and disguised 
themselves as peasants; but the pursuit, stimulated 
as well by party zeal, as by the great pecuniary 
rewards offered for the capture of Monmouth and 
Grey, was too vigilant to be eluded. Grey was taken 
on the 7th in the evening; and the German, who 
shared the same fate early on the next morning, 
confessed that he had parted from Monmouth but a 
few hours since. The neighbouring country was 
immediately and thoroughly searched, and James had 
ere night the satisfaction of learning, that his ne- 
phew was in his power. The unfortunate Duke was 

M m 



266 " HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER discovered in a ditch, half concealed by fern and 

' nettles. His stock of provision, which consisted of 

The situation soHic pcas gathered in the fields through which he 
was found, had flcd, was nearly exhausted, and there is reason 
to think, that he had had little, if any other suste- 
nance, since he left Bridgewater on the evening of 
the 5th. To repose he had been equally a stranger: 
how his mind must have been harassed, it is need- 
less to discuss. Yet that in such circumstances he 
appeared dispirited and crest-fallen, is, by the unre- 
lenting malignity of party writers, imputed to him 
as cowardice, and meanness of spirit. That the 
failure of his enterprize, together with the bitter 
reflection, that he had suffered himself to be engaged 
in it against his own better judgment, joined to the 
other calamitous circumstances of his situation, had 
reduced him to a state of despondency, is evident; and 
in this frame of mind, he wrote on the very day of 
his capture, the following letter to the King: 

- Sir, 

" Your Majesty may think it the misfortune I 
" now lie under, makes me make this application to 
" you; but I do assure your Majesty, it is the remorse 
" I now have in me of the wrong I have done you 
" in several things, and now in taking up arms 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^67 

'* against you. For my taking up arms, it was never chapter 
** in mv thought since the King died: The Prince 

' . . . . 1685. 

** and Princess of Orange will be witness for me of 
*' the assurance I gave them, that I would never 
" stir against you. But my misfortune was such, as 
*' to meet with some horrid people, that made me 
*' believe things of your Majesty, and gave me so 
*' many false arguments, that I was fully led away 
'* to believe, that it was a shame and a stn before 
" God, not to do it. But, Sir, I will not trouble 
** your Majesty at present with many things I could 
** say for myself, that I am sure would move your 
*' compassion; the chief end of this letter being 
" only to beg of you, that I may have that happiness 
" as to speak to your Majesty; for I have that to say 
" to you, Sir, that I hope may give you a long and 
*' happy reign. 

" I am sure. Sir, when you hear me, you will be 
** convinced of the zeal I have of your preservation, 
*' and how heartily I repent of what I have done. 
" I can say no more to your Majesty now, being this 
" letter must be seen by those that keep me. There- 
*' fore, Sir, I shall make an end, in begging of your 
" Majesty to believe so well of me, that I would 
** rather die a thousand deaths, than excuse any thing 
*' I have done, if I did not really think myself the 



^68 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER " most In the wrong that ever a man was; arid had 

! — " not from the bottom of my heart an abhorrence for 

" those that put me upon it, and for the action itself. 
" I hope, Sir, God Almighty will strike your heart 
" with mercy and compassion for me, as he has done 
*' mine with the abhorrence of what I have done : 
'* Wherefore, Sir, I hope I may live to shew you 
'* how zealous I shall ever be for your service; and 
" could I but say one word in this letter, you would 
" be convinced of it; but it is of that consequence, 
" that I dare not do it. Therefore, Sir, I do beg 
" of you once more to let me speak to you; for 
*' then you will be convinced how much I shall 
" ever be, 

" Your Majesty's most humble and dutiful, 

- MONMOUTH." 

The only certain conclusion to be drawn from 
this letter, which Mr. Echard, in a manner perhaps 
not so seemly for a churchman, terms submissive,* 
is, that Monmouth still wished anxiously for life, 
and was willing to save it, even at the cruel price 
of begging and receiving it as a boon from his 

* Echarc?, p, 7 71. '* His former spirit sunk into pusillanimity, and 
*' he meanly endeavoured, by the following submissive letter," 8^.c. E. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^69 



enemy. Ralph conjectures with great probabUity, chapter 

that this unhappy man's feelings were all governed 

by his excessive affection for his mistress; and that a 
vain hope of enjoying, with Lady Harriet Went- 
worth, that retirement which he had so unwillingly 
abandoned, induced him to adopt a conduct, which 
he might otherwise have considered as indecent. 
At any rate it must be admitted, that to cling to life, 
is a strong instinct in human nature, and Monmouth 
might reasonably enough satisfy himself, that when 
his death could not by any possibility, benefit either 
the publick or his friends, to follow such instinct, 
even in a manner that might tarnish the splendour 
of heroism, was no impeachment of the moral 
virtue of a man. 

With respect to the mysterious part of the letter, a mysterious 
where he speaks of one word, which would be of his letter 
such infinite importance, it is difficult, if not rather 
utterly impossible, to explain it by any rational con- 
jecture. Mr. Macpherson's favourite hypothesis, that 
the Prince of Orange had been a party to the late 
attempt, and that Monmouth's intention, when he 
wrote the letter, was to disclose this important fact 
to the King,* is totally destroyed by those expres- 
sions, in which the unfortunate prisoner tells his 

* Macpherson's Hist. 



370 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



CHAPTER Majesty he had assured the Prince and Princess 

of Orange that he would never stir against him. 

Did he assure the Prince of Orange that he would 

never do that which he was engaged to the Prince 

Not appiica. of Orange to do ? Can it be said that this was a false 

ble to the ° 

Prince of fgct, aud that uo such assurances were in truth given ? 
To what purpose was the falsehood? In order to 
conceal, from motives whether honourable or other- 
wise, his connection with the Prince? What? a 
fiction in one paragraph of the letter in order to con- 
ceal a fact, which in the next he declares his inten- 
tion of revealing? The thing is impossible/' 

The intriguing character of the secretary of state, 
the Earl of Sunderland, whose duplicity in many 
instances cannot be doubted, and the mystery in 
which almost every thing relating to him is involved, 
might lead us to suspect that the expressions point 
at some discovery in which that nobleman was con- 
cerned ; and that Monmouth had it in his power to 
be of important service to James, by revealing to 
him the treachery of his minister. Such a conjecture 

* Even if this complete refutation were wanting, the whole system 
of conduct imputed to the Prince of Orange by the above-mentioned 
author, by which he is made to act in concert with Monmouth at tliis 
lime, is so contrary to common sense, that the hypothesis never could 
have been offered to the belief of mankind by one whose mind was not 
forti&ed by some previous experience of their unbounded credulity. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 271 



might be strengthened by an anecdote that has had chapter 

some currency, and to the truth of which in part, 

King James s memoirs, ir the extracts from them 
can be relied on, bear testimony. It is said that the 
Duke of Monmouth told Mr. Ralph Sheldon, one of 
the King's chamber who came to meet him on his 
way to London, that he had had reason to expect 
Sunderland's co-operation, and authorised Sheldon 
to mention this to the King: that while Sheldon 
was relating this to his Majesty, Sunderland entered; 
Sheldon hesitated, but was ordered to go on. " Sun- 
*' derland seemed at first struck," (as well he might 
whether innocent or guilty,) " but after a short time, 
•' said with a laugh, if that be all he, (Monmouth,)^can 
•' discover to save his life, it will do him little good."* 
It is to be remarked that in Sheldon's conversation, as 
alluded to by King James, the Prince of Orange's name 
is not even mentioned, either as connected with Mon- 
mouth or with Sunderland. But on the other hand, the 
difficulties that stand in the way of our interpreting 
Monmouth's letter as alluding to Sunderland, or of 
supposing that the writer of it had any well-founded 
accusation against that minister, are insurmountable. 
If he had such an accusation to make, why did he 
not make it? The King says expressly, both in a 

* Macpherson's State Papers, I. 146. 



2,12. HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER letter to the Prince of Orange, and in the extract 
III. ^ 



1685. 



from his memoirs, above cited, that Monmouth made 
no discovery of consequence, and the explanation 
suggested, that his silence was owing to Sunderland 
the secretary's having assured him of his pardon, 
seems wholly inadmissible. Such assurances could 
have their influence no longer than while the hope 
of pardon remained. Why then did he continue 
silent, when he found James inexorable ? If he was 
willing to accuse the Earl before he had received 
these assurances, it is inconceivable that he should 
have any scruple about doing it when they turned 
out to have been delusive, and when his mind must 
have been exasperated by the reflection that Sun- 
derland's perfidious promises, and self-interested sug- 
gestions, had deterred him from the only probable 
means of saving his life. 
A third ex- A third, and perhaps the most plausible, interpre- 

planation. . . , , 

tation of the words in question is, that they point to 
a discovery of Monmouth's friends in England, when, 
in the dejected state of his mind, at the time of 
writing, unmanned as he was by misfortune , he might 
sincerely promise what the return of better thoughts 
forbade him to perform. This account, however, 
though free from the great absurdities belonging to the 
two others, is by no means satisfactory. The phrase, 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 27« 

** one word," seems to relate rather to some single chapter 
person, or some single fact, and can hardly apply to — — — - 
any list of associates that might be intended to be sacri- 
ficed. On the other hand, the single denunciation of "«* ^atisfac- 
Lord Delamere, of Lord Brandon, or even of the Earl of 
Devonshire, or of any other private individual, could 
not be considered as of that extreme consequence, 
which Monmouth attaches to his promised disclosure. 
I have mentioned Lord Devonshire, who was cer- 
tainly not implicated in the enterprize, and who 
was not even suspected, because it appears from 
Grey's Narrative, that one of Monmouth's agents 
had once given hopes of his support; and therefore 
there is a bare possibility that Monmouth may have 
reckoned upon his assistance. Perhaps, after all, the 
letter has been canvassed with too much nicety, and 
the words of it weighed more scrupulously, than, 
proper allowance being made for the situation and 
state of mind of the writer, they ought to have been. 
They may have been thrown out at hazard, merely 
as means to obtain an interview, of which the un- 
happy prisoner thought he might? in some way or 
other, make his advantage. If any more precise mean- 
ing existed in his mind, we must be content to pass it 
over as one of those obscure points of history, upon 
which, neither the sagacity of historians, nor the 

N n 



^74 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER many documents since made publick, nor the great 

'. — discoverer, Time, has yet thrown any distinct light. 

Unfeeling Monmoiith and Grey were now to be conveyed 
James. to London, for which purpose they set out on the 
11th, and arrived in the vicinity of the metropolis 
on the 1 3th of July. In the mean while, the Qiieen 
Dowager, who seems to have behaved with a unifor- 
mity of kindness towards her husband's son that 
does her great honour, urgently pressed the King to 
admit his nephew to an audience. Importuned there- 
fore by intreaties, and instigated by the curiosity 
which Monmouth's mysterious expressions, and 
Sheldon's story had excited, he consented, though 
with a fixed determination to shew no mercy. James 
was not of the number of those, in whom the want 
of an extensive understanding is compensated by a 
delicacy of sentiment, or by those right feelings, 
which are often found to be better guides for the 
conduct, than the most accurate reasoning. His nature 
did not revolt, his blood did not run cold, at the 
thoughts of beholding the son of a brother whom he 
had loved, embracing his knees, petitioning, and 
petitioning in vain, for life; of interchanging words 
and looks with a nephew, on whom he was inex- 
orably determined, within forty-eight short hours,, 
to inflict an ignominious death. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 275 



In Macpherson's extract from King James's Me- chapter 

moirs, it is confessed that the King ought not to 

have seen, if he was not disposed to pardon the 
culprit;* but whether the observation is made by 
the exiled Prince himself, or by him who gives the 
extract, is in this, as in many other passages of 
those Memoirs, difficult to determine. Surely if the 
King had made this reflection before Monmouth's 
execution, it must have occurred to that Monarch, 
that if he had inadvertently done that which he 
ought not to have done without an intention to 
pardon, the only remedy was to correct that part 
of his conduct which was still in his power, and 
since he could not recall the interview, to grant 
the pardon. 

Pursuant to this hard-hearted arrangement, Mon- His interview 
mouth and Grey, on the very day of their arrival, mouth,°" 
were brought to Whitehall, where they had severally 
interviews with his Majesty. James, in a letter to 
the Prince of Orange, dated the following day, gives 
a short account of both these interviews. Monmouth, 
he says, betrayed a weakness, which did not become 
one who had claimed the title of King; but made 
no discovery of consequence. Grey was more in- 
genuous, + (it is not certain in what sense his Majesty 

* Macpherson's State Papers, I. 144. t Dalrymple's Memoirs, II. 134. 



276 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER uses the term, since he does not refer to any dis- 



III. 



CO very made by that Lord,) and never once begged 
his life. Short as this account is, it seems the only 
authentick one of those interviews. Bishop Kennet, 
who has been followed by most of the modern his- 
torians, relates, that " This unhappy captive, by the 
" intercession of the Queen Dowager, was brought 
" to the King's presence, and fell presently at his 
'-' feet, and confessed he deserved to die ; but con- 
^' jured him, with tears in his eyes, not to use him 
*' with the severity of justice, and to grant him a 
" life, which he would be ever ready to sacrifice 
" for his service. He mentioned to him the example 
" of several great princes, who had yielded to the 
" impressions of clemency on the like occasions, 
" and who had never afterwards repented of those 
" acts of generosity and mercy; concluding, in a 
" most pathetical manner, Remember, Sir, I am 
" your brother's son, and if you take my life, it is 
" your own blood that you will shed. Tlie King 
" asked him several questions, and made him sign 
" a declaration that his father told him he was never 
" married to his mother: and then said, he was 
" sorry indeed for his misfortunes; but his crime 
" was of too great a consequence to be left un- 
** punished, and he must of necessity suffer for it. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^77 



** The Queen is said to have insnlted him in a very chapter 
" arrogant and unmerciful manner. So that when 

l685 

" the Duke saw^ there was nothing designed hy this 
*' interview, but to satisfy the Queen's revenge, he 
" rose up from his Majesty's feet with a new air of 
" bravery, and was carried back to the Tower."* 

The topicks used by Monmouth are such as he 
might naturally have employed, and the demeanour 
attributed to him, upon finding the King inexorable, 
is consistent enough with general probability, and 
his particular character: but that the King took 
care to extract from him a confession of Charles's 
declaration with respect to his illegitimacy, before 
he announced his final refusal of mercy, and that 
the Qiieen was present for the purpose of reviling 
and insulting him, are circumstances too atrocious to 
merit belief, without some more certain evidence. 
It must be remarked also, that Burnet, whose general 
prejudices would not lead him to doubt any impu- 
tations against the Queen, does not mention her 
Majesty's being present. Monmouth's offer of chang- 
ing religion is mentioned by him, but no authority 
quoted; and no hint of the kind appears either in 
James's Letters, or in the extract from his Memoirs. 

From Whitehall Monmouth was at night carried 



executioii. 



to the Tower, where, no longer uncertain as to his fixed. 

* Kennet, lU. 432. Echard, III. 771- 



578 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER fat€, he seems to have collected his mind, and to 
'. — have resumed his wonted fortitude. The Bill of 



1685. 



Attainder that had lately passed, having superseded 
the necessity of a legal trial, his execution was fixed 
for the next day but one after his commitment. This 
interval appeared too short even for the worldly 
business which he wished to transact, and he wrote 
again to the King on the 1 4th, desiring some short 
respite, which was peremptorily refused. The dif- 
ficulty of obtaining any certainty concerning facts, 
even in instances where there has not been any 
apparent motive for disguising them, is no where 
more striking than in the few remaining hours of 
this unfortunate man's life. According to King 
James's statement in his Memoirs, he refused to see 
his wife, while other accounts assert positively that 
she refused *to see him, unless in presence of wit- 
nesses. Burnet, who was not likely to be mistaken 
in a fact of this kind, says they did meet, and parted 
very coldly, a circumstance, which, if true, gives us 
no very favourable idea of the lady's character. 
There is also mention of a third letter written by 
him to the King, which being entrusted to a perfi- 
dious officer of the name of Scott, never reached its 
destination f'^ but for this there is no foundation. 
What seems most certain is, that in the Tower, and 

* Dalrymple's Memoirs, I. 127. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^79 

not in the closet, he signed a paper, renouncing his chapter 

pretensions to the crown, the same which he after- 

wards delivered on the scaffold; and that he was 
inclined to make this declaration, not by any vain 
hope of life, but by his affection for his children, 
whose situation he rightly judged would be safer 
and better under the reigning monarch and his suc- 
cessors, when it should be evident that they could 
no longer be competitors for the Throne. 

Monmouth was very sincere in his religious pro- His prepara- 
fessions, and it is probable that a great portion of death. 
this sad day was passed in devotion and religious 
discourse with the two prelates, who had been sent 
by his Majesty to assist him in his spiritual concerns. 
Turner, Bishop of Ely, had been with him early in 
the morning, and Kenn, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 
was sent, upon the refusal of a respite, to prepare him* 
for the stroke, which it was now irrevocably fixed he 
should suffer the ensuing day. They stayed with 
him all nighty and in the morning of the fifteenth 
were joined by Dr. Hooper, afterwards, in the reign 
of Anne, made Bishop of Bath and Wells, and by 
Dr. Tennison, who succeeded Tillotson in the see 
of Canterbury. This last divine is stated by Burnet 
to have been most acceptable to the Duke, and though 
he joined the others in some harsh expostulations. 



5S0 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER to have done, wheit the right reverend historian con- 

III. . 
'. — ceives to have been his duty, in a softer and less 

1685. ^ . . . , „ , 

peremptory manner. Certain it is, that none of these 
holy men seem to have erred on the side of compassion 
or complaisance to their illustrious penitent. Besides 
endeavouring to convince him of the guilt of his con- 
nection with his beloved Lady Harriet, of which he 
could never be brought to a due sense, they seem 
to have repeatedly teased him with controversy, and 
to have been far more solicitous to make him profess 
what they deemed the true creed of the church of 
England, than to soften or console his sorrows, or 
to help him to that composure of mind so necessary 
for his situation. He declared himself to be a member 
of their church, but they denied that he could be so, 
unless he thoroughly believed the doctrine of passive 
obedience and non-resistance. He repented gene- 
rally of his sins, and especially of his late enterprize, 
but they insisted that he must repent of it in the 
way they prescribed to him, that he must own it to 
have been a wicked resistance to his lawful King, 
and a detestable act of rebellion.* Some historians 
have imputed this seemingly cruel conduct to the 
King's particular instructions, who might be de- 
sirous of extracting, or rather extorting, from the lips 

* Burnet, II. 330. Echard, III. 772. 



J 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^Sl 



pf his dying nephew, such a confession as would be chapter 

matter of triumph to the Royal cause. But the cha 

racter of the two prelates principally concerned, 
both for general uprightness, and sincerity as church 
of England men, makes it more candid to suppose, 
that they did not act from motives of servile com- 
pliance, but rather from an intemperate party zeal 
for the honour of their church, which they judged 
would be signally promoted, if such a man as Mon- 
mouth, after having throughout his life acted in de- 
fiance of their favourite doctrine, could be brought 
in his last moments to acknowledge it as a divine 
truth. It must never be forgotten, if we would un- 
derstand the history of this period, that the truly 
orthodox members of our church regarded monar- 
chy not as a human, but as a divine institution, and 
passive obedience, and non-resistance, not as politi- 
cal maxims, but as articles of religion. 

At ten o'clock on the 1 5th, Monmouth proceeded circumstan- 
in a carriage of the Lieutenant of the Tower, to execution. 
Tower-Hill, the place destined for his execution. 
The two bishops were in the carriage with him, and 
one of them took that opportunity of informing him, 
that their controversial altercations were not yet at 
an end; and that upon the scaffold, he would again be 
pressed for more explicit and satisfactory declarations 



282 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER of repentance. When arrived at the bar, which 

'- — had been put up for the purpose of keeping out the 

multitude, Monmouth descended from the carriage, 
and mounted the scaffold, with a firm step, attended 
hy his spiritual assistants. The sheriffs and exe- 
cutioners were already there. The concourse of 
spectators was innumerable, and if we are to credit 
traditional accounts, never was the general com- 
passion more affectingly expressed. The tears, sighs, 
and groans, which the first sight of this heart-rend- 
ing spectacle produced, were soon succeeded by an 
universal and awful silence; a respectful attention, 
and affectionate anxiety, to hear every syllable that 
should pass the lips of the sufferer. The Duke be- 
gan by saying he should speak little; he came to die, 
and he should die a Protestant of the church of 
Persecuted England. Here he was interrupted by the assistants, 
gLtaS and told, that, if he was of the church of England, he 
must acknowledge the doctrine of Non-resistance to 
be true. In vain did he reply that if he acknowledged 
the doctrine of the church in general, it included all : 
they insisted he should own t/iat doctrine particu- 
larly with respect to his case, and urged much more 
concerning their favourite point, upon which, how- 
ever, they obtained nothing but a repetition in sub- 
stance of former answers. He was then proceeding 



gious assis- 
tants. 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 285 

to speak of Lady Harriet Wentworth, of his high chapter 

esteem for her, and of his confirmed opinion that 

their connection was innocent in the sight of God; 
when Goslin, the sheriff, asked him, with all the un* 
feeling bluntness of a vulgar mind, whether he was 
ever married to her. The Duke refusing to answer, 
the same magistrate, in the like strain, though chang- 
ing his subject, said he hoped to have heard of his 
repentance for the treason and bloodshed which had 
been committed; to which the prisoner replied with 
great mildness, that he died very penitent. Here the 
churchmen again interposed, and renewing their 
demand of particular penitence and public acknow- 
ledgment upon publick affairs, Monmouth referred 
them to the following paper which he had signed 
tliat morning : 

'* I declare, that the title of King was farced upon 
*' me; and, that it was very much contrary to my 
** opinion, when I was proclaimed. For the satis- 
** faction of the world, I do declare, that the late 
** King told me, he was never married to my mother. 
" Having declared this, I hope the King, who is 
" now, will not let my children suffer on this ac- 
'* count. And to this I put my hand this fifteenth day 
" ofjuly, 1685. MONMOUTH." 



m HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



III. 

}685. 



CHAPTER There was nothing, they said, in that paper about re- 
sistance; nor, though Monmouth, quite worn out with 
their importunities, said to one of them, in the most 
affecting manner, " I am to die, — Pray my Lord, — 
" I refer to my paper." would those men think it 
consistent with their duty to desist. They were only 
a few words they desired on one point. The sub- 
stance of these applications on one liand, and an- 
swers on the other, was repeated, over and over again, 
in a manner that could not be believed, if the facts 
were not attested by the signature of the persons 
principally concerned.* If the Duke, in declaring 
his sorrow for what had passed, used the word in- 
vasion, " give it the true name," said they, "and 
" call it rebellion." " What name you please," re- 
plied the mild-tempered Monmouth. He was sure 
he was going to everlasting happiness, and consi- 
dered the serenity of his mind in his present cir- 
cumstances, as a certain earnest of the favour of his 
Creator. His repentance, he said, must be true, for 
he had no fear of dying, he should die like a lamb. 
" Much may come from natural courage," was the 
unfeeling and stupid reply of one of the assistants. 
Monmouth, with that modesty inseparable from true 
bravery, denied that he was in general less fearful 
than other men, maintaining that his present courage 

* Vide Somers's Tracts, I. 435' 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^85 

was owing to his consciousness that God had for- chapter 

. . . . Ill- 
given him his past transgressions, of all which gene 

rally he repented with all his soul. 

At last the reverend assistants consented tojoin with 
him in prayer, but no sooner were they risen from 
their kneeling posture, than they returned to their 
charge. Not satisfied with what had passed, they ex- 
horted him to a true and thorough repentance : would 
he not pray for the King ? and send a dutiful message 
to his Majesty, to recommend the Dutchess and his 
children? " As you please," was the reply ;" I pray 
' ' for him and for all men." He now spoke to the exe- 
cutioner, desiring that he might have no cap over 
his eyes, and began undressing. One would have 
thought that in this last sad ceremony, the poor pri- 
soner might have been unmolested, and that the di- 
vines would have been satisfied, that prayer was the 
only part of their function for which their duty now 
called upon them. They judged differently, and one 
of them had the fortitude to request the Duke, even 
in this stage of the business, that he would address 
himself to the soldiers then present, to tell them he 
stood a sad example of rebellion, and entreat the 
people to be loyal and obedient to the King, " I 
" have said I will make no speeches," repeated 
Monmouth, in a tone more peremptory than he had 



286 HISTOnV OF THE RElCN 



CHAPTER before been provoked to; ' ' I will make no speeches. 

'. — " I come to die." " My Lord, ten words will be 

*' enough," said the persevering divine, to which 
the Duke made no answer, but turning to the execu- 
tioner, expressed a hope that he would do his work 
better now than in the case of Lord Russel. He then 
felt the axe, which he apprehended was not sharp 
enough, but being assured that it was of proper 
sharpness and weight, he laid down his head. In 
the meantime, many fervent ejaculations were used 
by the reverend assistants, who, it must be observed, 
even in these moments of horrour, showed them- 
selves n^t unmindful of the points upon which they 
had been disputing; praying God to accept his 
impeffect and general repentance. 

The executioner now struck the blow, but so feebly 
or unskilfully, that Monmouth, being but slightly 
wounded, lifted up his head, and looked him in the 
face as if to upbraid him, but said nothing. The 
two following strokes were as ineffectual as the first, 
and the headsman in a fit of horrour, declared he 
could not finish his work. The sheriffs threatened 
him; he was forced again to make a further trial, and 
in two more strokes separated the head from the 
body. 

Thus fell, in the thirty-sixth year of his age, 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. tSI 

James Duke of Monmouth, a man against whom all chapter 

that has been said by the most inveterate enemies 

both to him and his party, amounts to little more character of 
than this, that he had not a mind equal to the situa- 
tions in which his ambition, at different times, en- 
gaged him to place himself. But to judge him with 
candour, w^e must make great allowances, not only for 
the temptations into which he was led by the splendid 
prosperity of the earlier parts of his life, but also 
for the adverse prejudices with which he was re- 
garded by almost all the cotemporary writers, from 
whom his actions and character are described. The 
Tories of course are unfavourable to him; and even 
among the Whigs, there seems, in many, a strong 
inclination to disparage him; some to excuse them- 
selves for not having joined him; others to make a 
display of their exclusive attachment to their more 
successful leader. King William. Burnet says of 
Monmouth, that he was gentle, brave, and sincere: 
to these praises, from the united testimony of all 
who knew him, we may add that of generosity; and 
surely those qualities go a great way in making up 
the catalogue of all that is amiable and estimable in 
human nature. One of the most conspicuous features 
in his character, seems to have been a remarkable, 
and, as some think, a culpable degree of flexibility. 



SS8 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



CHAPTER That such a disposition is preferable to its opposite 

'. — extreme, will be admitted by all who think that 

modesty, even in excess, is more nearly allied to 
wisdom than conceit and self-sufficiency. He who 
has attentively considered the political, or indeed 
the general, concerns of life, may possibly go still 
further, and rank a willingness to be convinced, or in 
some cases even without conviction, to concede our 
own opinion to that of other men, among the prin- 
cipal ingredients in the composition of practical 
wisdom. Monmouth had suffered this flexibility, 
so laudable in many cases, to degenerate into a habit, 
which made him often follow the advice, or yield 
to the entreaties, of persons whose characters by no 
means entitled them to such deference. The sagacity 
of Shaftesbury, the honour of Russel, the genius of 
Sidney, might, in the opinion of a modest man, be 
safe and eligible guides. The partiality of friendship, 
and the conviction of his firm attachment, might be 
some excuse for his listening so much to Grey; but 
he never could, at any period of his life, have mis- 
taken Ferguson for an honest man. There is reason 
to believe, that the advice of the two last mentioned 
persons had great weight in persuading him to the 
unjustifiable step of declaring himself King. But 
far the most guilty act of this unfortunate man's life, 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^89 

was his lending; his name to the Declaration which chapter 

... ni. 
was published at Lyme, and in this instance, Fer- 

guson, who penned the paper, was both the adviser 
and the instrument. To accuse the King of having 
burnt London, murdered Essex in the Tower, and 
finally, poisoned his brother, unsupported by evi- 
dence to substantiate such dreadful charges, was 
calumny of the most atrocious kind ; but the guilt 
is still heightened, when we observe, that from no 
conversation of Monmouth, nor indeed from any 
other circumstance whatever, do we collect that he 
himself believed the horrid accusations to be true. 
With regard to Essex's death in particular, the only 
one of the three charges which was believed by any 
man of common sense, the late King was as much 
implicated in the suspicion as James. That the latter 
should have dared to be concerned in such an act, 
without the privacy of his brother, was too absurd 
an imputation to be attempted, even in the days of 
the Popish plot. On the other hand, it was certainly 
not the intention of the son to brand his father as 
an assassin. It is too plain, that in the instance of 
this Declaration, Monmouth, with a facility highly 
criminal, consented to set his name to whatever 
Ferguson recommended as advantageous to the cause. 
Among the many dreadful circumstances attending 

p p 



1685. 



9.90 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

CHAPTER civil wars, perhaps there are few more revolting to 
a good mind, than the wicked calumnies with which, 
in the heat of contention, men, otherwise men of 
honour, have in all ages and countries permitted 
themselv^es to load their adversaries. It is remark- 
able that there is no trace of the Divines who attended 
this unfortunate man, having exhorted him to a par- 
ticular repentance of his Manifesto, or having called 
for a retraction or disavowal of the accusations con- 
tained in it. They were so intent upon points more 
immediately connected with orthodoxy of faith, that 
they omitted pressing their penitent to the only 
declaration, by which he could make any satisfactory 
atonement to those whom he had injured- 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. 391 



FRAGMENTS 



The following detached Paragraphs were probably intended for the 
Fourth Chapter. They are here printed in the incomplete and 
unfinished state in which they were found. 

While the Whigs considered all religious opinions 
with a view to politicks, the Tories, on the other 
hand, referred all political maxims to religion. Thus 
the former, even in their hatred to Popery, did not 
so much regard the superstition, or imputed idolatry 
of that unpopular sect, as its tendency to establish 
arbitrary power in the state, while the latter revered 
absolute monarchy as a divine institution, and che- 
rished the doctrines of passive obedience and non- 
resistance, as articles of religious faith. 



To mark the importance of the late events, his Ma- 
jesty caused two medals to be struck; one of himself, 
with the usual inscription, and the motto, Ams et 
sceptra tuemur ; the other of Monmouth, without 
any inscription. On. the reverse of the former, were 
represented the two headless trunks of his lately 
vanquished enemies, with other circumstances in the 
same taste and spirit, the motto, Ambitio malesiiada 
rnit: on that of the latter appeared a young man 



1G85. 



293 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 

1685. falling in the attempt to climb a rock with three 
crowns on it, under which was the insulting motto. 
Super i r is ere. 



With the lives of Monmouth and Argyle ended, 
or at least seemed to end, all prospect of resistance 
to James's absolute power; and that class of patriots 
who feel the pride of submission, and the dignity of 
obedience, might be completely satisfied that the 
Crown was in its full lustre. 

James was sufficiently conscious of the increased 
strength of his situation, and it is probable that the 
security he now felt in his power, inspired him with 
the design of taking more decided steps in favour 
of the Popish religion and its professors, than his 
connection with the Church of England party had 
before allowed him to entertain. That he from 
this time attached less importance to the support 
and affection of the Tories, is evident from Lord 
Rochester's observations, communicated afterwards 
to Burnet. This nobleman's abilities and exf>e- 
rience in business, his hereditary merit, as son of 
Lord Chancellor Clarendon, and his uniform oppo- 
sition to the Exclusion Bill, had raised him high in 
the esteem of the Church party. This circumstance, 
perhaps, as much, or more than the King's personal 



OF JAMES THE SECOND. ^93 

kindness to a brother-in-law, had contributed to his isss. 
advancement to the first office in the state. As long 
therefore as James stood in need of the support of 
the party, as long as he meant to make them the 
instruments of his power, and the channels of his 
favour, Rochester was, in every respect, the fittest 
person in wbom to confide; and accordingly, as that 
nobleman related to Burnet, his Majesty honoured 
him with daily confidential communications upon all 
his most secret schemes and projects. But upon the 
defeat of the rebellion, an immediate change took 
place, and from the day of Monmouth's execution, 
the King confined his conversations with the Trea- 
surer to the mere business of his office. 



APPENDIX: 



CONTAINING 



I. Correspondence between Louis XIV. and M. Barillon on English 
(^ Affairs, from Dec. 1684, to Dec. 1^85. 

II. Correspondence between the Earl of Sunderland and the Bishop of 
Oxford, respecting Mr. Locke. 

III. The Bill for the Preservation of the King's Person. 

IV. Account of Rumbold, from Lord Fountainhall's MS. Memoirs, Sec. 



[ il 



CONTENTS OF THE LETTERS BETWEEN LOUIS AND 
BARILLON. 



Barillon to the King. 7th Dec. 1684. 

Changes in the Govermnent of New England — sentiments of the Marquis of Halifax upon them 
combated by the other Ministers — attempts to bring Halifax into disgrace — Charles intends 
to send the Duke of York into Scotland, p. vii. — viii. 

The King to Barillon. 13th Dec. l684. 
Louis's opinion of Halifax — and of the Duke of York's mission to Scotland, p. ix. 

Barillon to the King. 25th Dec. l684. 

Offers of submission and reconciliation from the Prince of Orange — rejected by Charles at the 
instigation of Sunderland, p. ix. — xi. 

Barillon to the King. 
Charles the Second's illness — he declares himself a Catholic — his death, p. xi. — xv. 

Barillon to the King, igth Feb. l68f . 

James the Second's accession — his speech to the Council — proclaimed in London — state of his 
Court and Ministry — sends Lord Churchill to Paris — informs Barillon of his intention to sum- 
mon a Parliament, and why — issues a proclamation for levying the former King's revenue — 
his professions of attachment to France — promises to establish the Catholic rehgion — solicits 
a supply of money from Louis — Barillon's opinion of the state of England — Duke of Mon- 
mouth^— arrest of one of his servants, p. xv. — 'xxiii. 

The King to Barillon. 20th Feb. 
Louis's private instructions to Barillon respecting James — and the state of Parties in England — • 
recommends the Earl of Sunderland — sends a supply of money for the King's use — his ap- 
prehensions of the designs of the Prince of Orange, and the Duke of Monmouth — orders 
Barillon to caution the King against them. p. xxiv. — vi. 

The King to Barillon. 26th Feb, 
Louis approves of James's resolution to call a Parliament — recommends precautions against 
the designs of the Prince of Orange and the Duke of Monmouth, p. xxvi. 

Barillon to the King. 26th Feb. 
Barillon informs James of the supply sent to him by Louis — the King's extravagant expressions 
of gratitude — conversation between Baiillon and Rochester respecting the old subsidy, and the 
treaty with Spain — James goes publicly to Mass — his conversation with Barillt)n upon it — ■ 
informs him of his designs with regard to the Catholics — King Charles the Second's funeral — : 
James re-appoints the Household, and why — Rochester made Lord Treasurer-— Barillon en^ 
deavours to prevent the King from allowing the Prince of Orange to visit England— Duke 
of Monmouth, p. xxviii.— xxxvi. 



t ii 3 

Barillon to the King. 1st March. 

Mass publicly celebrated in Whitehall — attended by the King and Queen — sentiments of the 
public upon it — further arrangements in the Househould — the King's reasons for retaininir 
Halifax and others — the additional duties levied as in the former reign — preparations for the 
coronation — Prince of Orange sends Overkerque to effect a reconciliation with James — Ba- 
rillon endeavours to prevent it — offers of submission from the Duke of Monmouth — Barillon 
tells James they are insincere, p. xxxvii. — xliii. 

Barillon to the King. 5th March. 

The people alarmed at James's public profession of the Catholic religion — proceedings respect- 
ing the ensuing Parliament—Catholics discontented at the re-appointment of the Household 
— James forms a Council of Catholics — further conversations between James and Over- 
kerque on the part of the Prince of Orange — confided to Barillon, who endeavours to prevent 
any sort of reconciliation — Rochester advises a reconciliation — Sunderland opposes ii — 
Duke of Monmouth — James's conduct with regard to Spain — his professions of attachment 
to France, p. xlii. — li. 

The King to Barillon. 9th March. 

Louis satisfied with James — promises to afford him succours when wanted — sends over the 
Marechal de Lorgc — applauds James's resolution to levy the duties — instructs Barillon to 
inspire him with a distrust of the Prince of Orange, p. li. — liii. 

The King to Barillon. l6th March. 

On the appointment of Roman Catholic Bishops in England, p. liii. 

Barillon to the King. l6th April. 

James and his Ministers make further demands of succours from Louis — various discussions 
between Barillon and the Ministers respecting the subsidy granted to Charles — arguments 
to induce Louis to continue the subsidy — James acquaints Birillon with his design!^, and his 
determination to establish the Catholic religion— Barillon advises Louis to send more money 
—treatment of the Dutch ambassadours — indisposition of the Queen of England, p. liii. — Ix. 

The King to Barillon. 2ith April. 

Louis sends over a fresh supply — promises to support James, and particularly in establishing 
the Catholic religion — explanations with regard to Spain, p. Ix. — Ixii. 

Barillon to the King. 30th April. 
James's satisfaction at the result of the explanations between the Courts of Versailles and Ma- 
drid — he resolves to go to Chapel in state — the Earl of Rochester refuses lo accompany him 
— altercation between them — Dutch Ambassadours — their public entry — Barillon's account 
of the state of parties — points out to Louis the measurci he ought to adopt to secure James's 
attachment to his interests, p. Ixii. — viii. 

The King to Barillon. Qth Mai/. 

Louis permits Barillon to complete the payment of the old subsidy — promises further assistance, 
if James be obliged to dissolve the Parliament, and use force to carry bis designs — begins to 
entertain suspicions of a new alliance between England and the States General, p. l.wiii — Ixx. 

Barillon to the King. \Uh Mau. 
Various matters relating to the States General and the Prince of Orange — temper of the Par- 
liament — its designs against sonif of the Mii.isters — state of the Court in the last years of 
Charles the Second's reign — Dutchess of Portsmouth — designs of the English exiles at Am- 
sterdam — Dutch Ambassadours — Scottish Parliament grants the revenue for life — arrest of 
one of the Duke of Monmouth's cqueries. p Ixx. — iv. 



Barillon to the King. 17th May. 

Barillon assures Louis that James does not intend to form a treaty with the States or the Prince 

of Orange — explains his conduct on this head — describes the unsettled state of England 

— urges Louis to grant further supplies — discussions between the English and Dutch East 

India Companies respecting Bantam — James wishes to thwart the Dutch trade, p. Ixxiv. — viii. 

Barillon to the King. 2Uf May. 

Earl of Argyle sails from Holland — James's discontent at the conduct of the States and the 
Prince of Orange, which Barillon endeavours to encrease — trade of the Dutch in pepper, 
&c. — James's precautions against the Earl of Argyle's enterprize — state of the army in Ire- 
land — apprehensions of the attempts of the disaffected there — a publication on liberty 
of conscience by the Duke of Buckingham — Trial and condemnation of Titus Oates. 
p. Ixxviii. — Ixxxii. 

The King to Barillon. 25th May. 

Louis's observations upon the principal points in the preceding letter — refuses to grant any more 
money than what is necessary to pay the arrears of the old subsidy, p. Ixxxii. 

The King to Bai-illon. 1st June. 

Louis's opinion of the Earl of Argyle's invasion— begins to entertain suspicions of James's 
intentions, p. Ixxxiv. 

Barillon to the King. 2Sth May. 
Barillon assures Louis of James's attachment to him. p. Ixxxv. 
Barillon to the King. 2d June., 

Proceedings in the House of Commons — James's professions of attachment to France — Ba- 
rillon urges Louis to grant further supplies — Lord Montague solicits his pension from Louis, 
p. Ixxxvi. — ix. 

Barillon to the King. 4ith Ju?ie. 

Substance of Mr. Seymour's Speech in Pariiament against the vp,lidity of the elections, and the 
designs of the Court — Lord Lorn. p. Ixxxix. — xci. 

Barillon to the King. 1th June. 
Proceedings of Argyle — transactions in Parliament respecting the Catholics — ^James's dis- 
pleasure at them — its consequence — discussions between the English and Dutch India Com- 
panies — further proceedings of Argyle. p. xci. — iv. 

The King to Barillon. 15th June. 

Louis's observations on parts of the preceding letter-^his opinion of Argyle's invasion — urges 
the establishment of the Catholic religion in England — refuses to grant further supplies, 
till James shall undertake it. p. xciv. — vi. 

Barillon to the King, lith June. 
Reports that Louis secretly foments troubles in England — disbelieved by James, p. xcvi. 

The King to Barillon. 13th July. 
Louis's suspicions of the Prince of Orange — recalls the sums in Barillon's hands, p. xcvii. 

Barillon to the King. l6th July. 

Barillon acquaints the King and his Ministers with the suspension of all further supplies — their 
surprize and embarrassment at it-^-their various arguments to induce Louis to continue them 
— abject offers to Louis by James — he declares he cannot establish Popery without his aid — 
conversations between Barillon and Sunderland— Barillon solicits Louis to allow him to ad- 
vance a further supply — describes the state of affairs in England, and James's patronage of 
the Catholics — discredits certain reports in Holland — progress of the Duke of Monmouth, 
and state of the Royal army — execution of Argyle. p. xcviii.— ex. 



[iv ] 

The King to Barillon. 26th July. 

Louis censures Barillon for not having deprived James of ail hope of further supplies, p. ex. — xii. 

The King to Barillon. — Aug. 

Louis's arguments to induce James to establish Popery — his suspicions with regard to Spain, 
p. cxii. 

The King to Barillon. 24,fh Jug. 

Ditto. 20th Aug. 

Ditto. 4th Sept. 

Ditto. 13th Sept. 

The above four letters relate principally to James's renewing the treaty with the Slates Ge- 
neral — Louis instructs Barillon how he is to act in future, and to wave every proposal 
for a new alliance between England and France — orders him to prevent if possible the re- 
newal of any others treaties by James, p. cxiii. — xvii. 

Barillon to the King. 10th Sept. 

Substance of a deposition made by one of Monmouth's Equeries, respecting certain designs of 
the Protestants in France, p. cxvij. 

The King to Barillon, 20th Sept. 

Louis continues to instruct Barillon lo prevent any fresh treaties between England and other 
States — does not entirely approve of the appointment of Sir W. Trumball to be ambas- 
sadour in Fiance, p. cxviii. 

Barillon to the King. 1 7th Sept. 

Barillon acquaints Louis with the hopes entertained by the Austrian and Spanish ministers, of 
an alliance with England, p. cxix. 

The King to Barillon. 25th Oct. 
Respecting the English Parliament, p. cxx. 

■ to Barillon. 1st. Xoi. 

The writer of this letter wishes to know from Barillon, upon what authority he had advanced to 
James 300,000 livres more than the arrears of the old subsidy, p. cxxi. 

Barillon to the King. 29th Oct. 
James intends to dismiss Halifax, and why — an affair relating to the Prince and Princess of 
Orange — Lord Castlemaine appointed Ambassadour to Rome — Barillon's observations on it. 
p. cxxi. — iii. 

The King to Barillon. 6th Nov. 
Louis's opinion of Halifax — hopes James will accomplish the repeal of the Test and Habeas 
Corpus acts. p. cxxiv. 

Barillon to the King. 5th Nor. 

Various circumstances respecting Halifax's dismissal — conjectures upon the conduct of the 

ensuing Parliament— execution of Mr. Cornish and Mrs. Gaunt noticed, p. cxxiv. — vii. 

The King to Barillon. l6th Nov. 
Louis applauds the dismissal of Halifax— entertains suspicions of James's intentions, p. cxxvii. 

Barillon to the King. 12th Nor. 
State of the Protestant and Catholic Parties in England— supposed effect of Halifax's dismissal 
upon the other Ministers, p. cxxviii. 



[V ] 

The King to Barillon. IQth Nov. 
Louis suspects an approaching alliance between England and Spain — instructs Barillon to excite 
a spirit of opposition in th» principal members of Parliament if he find that James is deter- 
mined to make fresh treaties, p. cxxx. 

The King to Barillon. 29th Nov. 
Observations upon a Letter from Barillon respecting the proceedings in Parliament, p. cxxxi. 

Barillon to the King. 22d Nov. 
Lord Grey is said to have implicated the Earl of Devonshire in Monmouth's rebellion, p. cxxxii. 

Barillon to the King. 26th Nov. 

Journal of the proceedings in Parliament — Spanish Ambassadour urges the renewal of the 
treaty of 168O — state of the interior of the English Court — opposite views of Rochester and 
Sunderland — their consequences — Barillon advises Louis to pension Sunderland — further 
proceedings in the Parliament, p. cxxxii. — xl. 

Barillon to the King. 30th Nov. 
Prorogation of the Parliament^ and its probable consequences, p. cxl. 

The King to Barillon. 6th Dec. 

Louis's observations on the Prorogation — agrees to allow Sunderland an annual pension of from 
5 to 60001. p. cxli. 



APPENDIX 



J 



I. Correspondence between Louis XIV. and M. Barillon. 

M. de Barillon au Roi. 

1 Decembre, I684, dLondres. 
'ay re^u la depeche de Votre Majeste du premier Decembre. J'ay com- 



mence a executer Fordre que V. M. me donne a I'egard de Milord Halifax. 
II s'est passe ici depuis peu une affaire qui a deja donne occasion a M. le 
Due de York, et aux autres ministres, de travailler a le decrediter entiere- 
ment avec quelque esperance d'en venir a bout. 

Le Roi d' Angleterre a donne le gouverneraent de la Nouvelle Angleterre 
au Colonel Kerque, qui etoit auparavant gouverneur de Tanger. II y avoit 
eu devant une Compagnie etablie par des lettres patentes du Roi Jacques, 
qui gouvernoit avec une autorite presque souveraine et independante les 
pays compris sous le gouvernement de la Nouvelle Angleterre. Les pri- 
vileges de cette Compagnie ont ete casses au Banc Royal, et sa Majeste 
Britannique est rentree dans le pouvoir de donner une nouvelle forme au 
gouvernement, et d'etablir de nouvelles loix, sous lesquelles les habitans 
de ces pays doivent vivre a I'avenir ; cela a donne lieu a une deliberation dans 
le Conseil secret. La question a ete traitee a fonds, si Ton y introduiroit 
le meme gouvernement qui est etabli en Angleterre, ou si Ton assujettiroit 
ceux qui vivent dans ces pays-la aux ordres d'un gouverneur et d'un con- 



yiii APPENDIX. 

sell, qui auroient en leurs mains toute I'autorite, sans etre obliges a garder 
d'autres regies, que celles qui leur seroient prescrites d'ici. Milord Halifax 
a pris le party de soutenir avec vehemence qu'il n'y avoit point lieu de 
douter que les memes loix, sous lesquelles on vit en Angleterre ne dussent 
etre etablies en un pays compose d'Anglois. II s'est fort etendu sur cela, 
et n'a omis aucune des raisons, par lesquelles on pent prouver, qu'un 
gouvernement absolu, n'est ni si heureux, ni si assure que celui, qui est 
tempere par les loix, et qui donne des bornes a I'autorite du Prince. II 
a exagere les inconveniens du pouvoir souverain, et s'est declare nettement 
qu'il ne pouvoit pas s'accommoder de vivre sous un roi qui auroit en son 
pouvoir de prendre, quand il lui plairoit, I'argent qu'il a dans sa poche. 
Ce discours fut combattu fortement par tous les autres ministres, et sans 
entrer dans la question, si une forme de gouvernement en general est 
meilleure que 1' autre, ils soutinrent, que sa Majeste Britannique pouvoit, 
et devoit, gouverner des pays si eloignes de I'Angleterre en la maniere qui 
lui paroitroit la plus convenable pour maintenir le pays, en I'etat auquel 
il est, et pour en augmenter encore les forces et la richesse. Pour cela il 
fut resolu, qu'on n'assujetteroit point le gouverneur et le conseil, a faire 
des assemblies de tout le pays, pour faire des impositions, et regler les 
autres matieres importantes, mais que le gouverneur et le conseil feroit ce 
qu'ils jugeroient a-propos, sans en rendre compte qu'a sa Majeste firitan- 
nique. Cette affaire n'est peut-ctre pas en elle-meme fort importante; 
mais M. le Due d'York s'en est servi, pour faire connoitre au Roi 
d'Angleterre combien il y a d'inconveniens de laisser dans le secret de ses 
affaires un homme aussi oppose aux interels de la royaute qu'est Milord 
Halifax. Madame de Portsmouth a le meme dessein, et Milord Sonderland 
pouvoit ne rien desirer avec plus d'ardeur. lis croient I'un et I'autre y 
pouvoir reussir avec un peu de temps. 

M. le Due d'York m'a dit en confiance, que le Roi son frere avoit resolu 
de I'envoyer au printemps faire un voyage de trois semaines en Ecosse, 
pour y tenir une assemblee de Parlement, sans lequel on ne pent confisquer 
les biens de ceux qui sont declares rebelles ; que ce sera a-peu-pres pen- 
dant que la cour demeurera a Neumarquet; que cependant il a cru m'en 
devoir avertir de bonne heure, sachant biea que ses ennemis tacheroient de 



i 



APPENDIX. ix 

donner a ce voyage un air de disgrace, quoique dans le fond, ce soit une 
nouvelle marque de confiance et d'amitie du Roi son frere pour lui. Le 
Marquis de Huntley, chef de la maison de Gourdon, a etc fait Due, et le 
Marquis de Winsbery aussi ; ce dernier est de la maison de Douglas, et 
grand tresorier d'Ecosse. Ce n'est pas une chose de petite consequence 
que le Marquis de Huntley, qui est Catholique, soit fait Due. 

Le Roi a M. Barillon. 

Versailles, 13 Decembre, I6S4. 

1-iES raisonnemens du Sr. Halifax sur la manierede gouverner la Nouvelle 
Angleterre ne meritent gueres la confiance que le Roy d'Angleterre a en 
luy, et je ne suis pas surpris d'apprendre que le Due d' York en ayt bien 
fait remarquer les consequences au Roy son frere. J'ay lieu de croire 
aussy que ce que ce Prince doit faire en Ecosse n'apportera aucun change- 
ment a I'etat present des affaires d'Angleterre, et je suis bien aise de \sgavoir] 
que ce soit plutot une marque de la confiance du Roy son frere, qu*un 
dessein de I'eloigner de ses conseils. 

London, 21 December, 16 84. 

jDarillon says the Duchess of P. tells him the King waited till Halifax 
gave him some further pretext for dismissing him, but that he represented 
to them the danger of delay. They had no apprehensions of Halifax's 
altering his conduct, and regaining the King's confidence. 



M. de Barillon au Roi 

55 Decembre, 1684, « Londres. 
JUe Roi d'Angleterre me paroit aussi mal satisfait que jamais de la conduite 
de M. le Prince d'Orange. M. Zitters lui a donne une lettre de sa part, 
par laquelle il 1' assure en termes generaux, qu'il s'estime bien malheureux 

* This is printed from a note in Mr. Fox's hand writing. 
b 



X APPENDIX. 

d'avoir perdu ses bonnes graces, sachant bien n'avoir rien fait qui dut lui 
deplaire. M. Zitters a ajoute a cela, que M. le Prince d'Orange etoit fort 
afflige que ses ennemis eussent eu le credit de le mettre aussi mal qu'il est 
dans Tesprit de sa Majeste Britannique, sans qu'il se puisse reprocher d'avoir 
rien fait qu'il sgut etre oppose a sa volonte, ou a ses intentions. Le Roi 
d'Angleterre m'a fait entendre, que sa reponse a M. Zitters a ete, que M. 
le Prince d'Orange se moqnoit de lui, aussi bien que de M. Zitters, en le 
chargeant de dire des choses, qu'il sait n'avoir aucun fondement; que M. 
le Prince d'Orange n'avoit point d'ennemis dans sa cour, qui eussent pris 
soin de lui nuire, mais que lui-meme avoit fait tout ce qu'il falloit pour cela, 
s'etant conduit d'une maniere fort opposee, a ce qu'il devoit, tant a I'egard 
des affaires generales qu'a I'egard de M. le Due de Monmouth, et des 
autres factieux. M. Zitters a essaye d'excuser ce que M. le Prince 
d'Orange a fait a I'egard de M. le Due de Monmouth : sa Majeste Britan- 
nique s'en est moquee, et lui a dit, que M. le Prince d'Orange etoit plus 
habile que personne, puis qu'il savoit si bien menager un homme, dont les 
desseins ne pouvoient aller qu'a etablir une republique en Angleterre, ou 
a soutenir des pretentions chimeriques, et qui ne peuvent reussir sans la 
mine de M. le Prince d'Orange lui-meme. L'intention du Roi d'An- 
gleterre etoit, a ce que j'en puis juger, de couper encore plus court 
I'entretien avec M. de Zitters, mais cela repugne a son humeur. M. le 
Due de York a parle fort decisivement a M. Zitters, et ne lui a pas donne 
lieu de deffendre la conduite de M. le Prince d'Orange. M. Zitters a dit a 
Milord Sunderland, que M. le Prince d'Orange vouloit faire tout ce qui 
etoit en son pouvoir pour rentre.r dans les bonnes graces du Roi d'An- 
gleterre, et de M. le Due de York. Q^j'il falloit seulement lui faire con- 
noitre ce qu'il devoit faire pour cela ; Milord Sunderland repondit, que ce 
n'etoit pas d'ici qu'il devoit attendre des instructions, et qu'il savoit assez.ce 
qui avoit pu deplaire auRoi d'Angleterre dans sa conduite, pour y apporter 
du changement, s'il en avoit envie. 

J'ay s^u de M. le Due d'York, qu'en parlant de tout cela avec le Roi 
d'Angleterre, et ses ministres les plus confidens, Milord Sunderland avoit 
dit qu'il est de la dignite, et de I'iuteret de sa Majeste JBritannique de laisser 
M. le Prince d'Orange prendre de lui-meme le party qu'il jugera apropos, 



APPENDIX. xi 

sans lui rien prescrire, ni meme temoigner qu'on attende rlen de lui ; 
qu'apres avoir, pendant trois ans, fait tout ce qui etoit en son pouvoir, 
centre les interets et les desseins du Roi d' Angleterre, 11 ne devoit pas 
croire, que ce qu'il a fait fut repare par des complimens ; qu'on ne pent 
marquer a present en quoi il pourroit temoigner sa bonne volonte et son 
zele ; qu'il faut peutetre beaucoup de temps pour en trouver les occasions ; 
et que tout ce qu'il pent esperer est, que le Roi d' Angleterre veuille bien 
considerer qu'elle sera sa conduite a I'avenir ; que cependant on ne sauroit 
parler trop peu et trop decisivement a M. Zitters sur une telle matiere. 
Ce sentiment a ete approuve de sa Majeste Britannique, et il a ete resolu 
qu'on n'ecouteroit pas seulement M. Zitters, s'il vouloit en parler encore. 

On parle fort ici depuis deux jours de la sedition arrivee a Brussels, et 
de la maniere, dont elle a ete appaisee par le Marquis de Grave, c'est-a- 
dire, en cedant entierement au peuple. Le Roi d' Angleterre en a parle 
comme d'un &xemple de tres-pernicieuse consequence, et qui porteroit 
indubitablement les autres villes du Pays Bas a faire la meme chose, 
voyant qu'elle demeure impunie et recompensee a Brussels. 



Depeche de M. Barillon au Roy. 

LiA lettre que je me donne I'honneur d'ecrire aujourdhuy a votre Majeste 
est seulement pour lui rendre un compte exact de ce qui s'est passe de plus 
important a la mort du feu Roy d'Angleterre. Sa maladie, qui commen^a 
le Lundi 12 Fevrier au matin, re^ut divers changemens les jours suivans, 
quelquefois on le croioit hors de danger, et ensuite il arrivoit quelque 
accident qui faisoit juger que son mal etoit mortel: enfin le Jeudi quin- 
zieme Fevrier, sur le midi, je fus averti d'un bon endroit qu'il n'y avoit 
plus d'esperance, et que les medecins ne croioient pas qu'il dut passer la 
nuit ; j'allai aussitot apres a Whitehall ; M. le Due d'York avoit donne 
ordre aux officiers qui gardoieut la porte de I'antichambre de me laisser 
passer a toute heure ; il etoit toujours dans la chambre du Roy son frere, 
et en sortoit de terns en tems pour donner les ordres sur tout ce qui se pas- 
soit dans la ville ; le bruit se repandoit plusieurs fois par jour que le Roy 



xii APPENDIX. 

cteit mort; d'abord que je fus arrive, Monsieur le Due d' York me dit, 
" Les medecins croient que le Roy est en un extreme danger; je vousprie 
d'assurer votre maitre qu'il aura toujours en moi un serviteur fidele et re- 
connoissant." Je fus jusqu'a cinq heures dans Tantichambre du Roy 
d'Angleterre ; Monsieur le Due d'York me fit entrer plusieurs fois dans 
la chambre, et me parloit de ce qui se passoit au-dehors, et des assurances 
qu'on lui donnoit de tous cotes que tout etoit fort tranquille dans la ville, 
et qu'il y seroit proclame Roy au moment que le Roy son frere seroit 
mort. Je sortis pendant quelque tems pour aller a I'appartement de Madame 
de Portsmouth ; je la trouvai dans une douleur extreme ; les medecins lui 
avoient ote toute sorte d'esperance ; cependant, au lieu de me parler de sa 
douleur, et de la perte qu'elle etoit sur le point de faire, elle entradansun 
petit cabinet, et me dit, " Monsieur I'Ambassadeur, je m'en vais vous dire le 
plus grand secret du monde, et il iroit de ma tete si on le savoit : Le Roy 
d'Angleterre dans le fonds de. son rrenr est Cathnlique, mais il est environne 
des evesques Protestans, et personne ne lui dit I'etat ou il est, ni ne lui 
parle de Dieu ; je ne puis plus avec bienseance rentrer dans la chambre, 
outre que la Reine y est presque toujours ; Monsieur le Due d'York songe 
a ses affaires, et en a trop, pour prendre le soin qu'il devroit de la conscience 
du Roy ; allez lui dire, que je vous ai conjure de I'averlir qu'il souge a ce 
qui se pourra faire pout sauver I'ame du Roi ; il est le maitre dans la 
chambre ; il peut faire sortir qui il voudra ; ne perdez point de tems, car 
si on differe tant soit peu, il sera trop tard." 

Je retournai a I'instant trouver Monsieur le Due d'York ; je le priai de 
faire semblant d'aller chez la Reine, qui etoit sortie de la chambre duRoy, 
et qu'on venoit de saigner, parcequ'elle s'etoit evanouie : la chambre com- 
munique aux deux appartemens ; je le suivis chez la Reine, et je lui dis 
ce que Madame de Portsmouth m'avoit dit. II revint comme d'une pro- 
fonde lethargic, et me dit, " Vous avez raison; il n'y a pas de tems a per- 
dre ; je hazarderai tout plustot que de ne pas faire mon devoir en cette occa- 
sion." Une heure apres il revint me trouver, sous pretexte encore d'aller 
chez la Reine, et me dit, qu'il avoit parle au Roy son frere, et qu'il I'avoit 
trouve resolu de ne point prendre la cene que les evesques Protestans le 
pressoient de recevoir ; que cela les avoit fort surpris, mais qu'il en de- 



APPENDIX. jcjii 

fflfflcureroit toujours quelqu'uns d'eux dans sa chambre, s'il ne prenoit un 
pretexte de faire sortir tout le monde, afin de pouvoir parler au Roi son 
frere avec liberie, et le disposer a faire une abjuration formelle de I'heresie, 
et a se confesser a un prestre Catholique. 

Nous agitames divers expediens ; M. le Due d' York proposa que je de- 
mandasse a parler au Roi son frere, pour lui dire quelque chose de secret 
de la part de votre Majeste, et qu'on feroit sortir tout le monde. Je 
m'offris k le faire; mais je lui representai qu'outre que cela eauseroit un 
grand bruit, 11 n'y auroit pas d'apparence de me faire demeurer en parti- 
culier avec le Roy d* Angleterre et lui seul, assez longtems pour ce que nous 
avions a faire. La pensee vint ensuite a M. le Due d'York, de faire venir 
la Reine, comme pour dire un dernier adieu au Roy, et lui demander par- 
don si elle lui avoit desobei en quelque chose ; que lui feroit aussi la meme 
ceremonie. Enfin M. le Due d'York se resolut de parler au Roi son frere 
devant tout le monde, mais de faire ensorte que personne n'entendroit ce 
qu'il lui diroit, parceque cela oteroit tout soupyon, et on croiroit seule- 
ment qu'il lui parleroit d'affaires d'etat, et de ce qu'il vouloit qui fut fait 
apres sa mort ; ainsi, sans autre plus grande precaution, le Due d'York se 
pencha a I'oreille du Roi son frere, apres avoir ordonneque personne n'ap- 
prochat : j'etois dans la chambre, et plus de vingt personnes a la porte, qui 
etoit ouverte, on n'entendoit pas ce que disoit M. le Due d'York; mais 
le Roy d'Angleterre disoit de tems en tems fort haut, Oui, de tout mon 
caur; il faisoit quelque fois repeter M. le Due d'York ce qu'il disoit, 
parcequ'il n'entendoit pas aisement ; cela dura pres d'un quart d'heure ; 
M. le Due d'York sortit encore comme pour aller chez la Reine, et me 
dit; *' Le Roy consent que je lui fasse venir un prestre ; je n'ose faire venir 
aucun de ceux de la Duchesse, ils sont trop connus; envoyez en chercher 
un vistement." Je lui dis, que je le ferois de toiut mon coeur, mais que je 
croiois que Ton perdroit trop de tems, et que je venois de voir tons les 
pretres de la Reine dans un cabinet proche de sa chambre. II me dit, 
Vous avez raison ; il appergut en meme tems le Comte de Gastelmelhor, 
qui embrassa avec chaleur la proposition que je lui fis, et se chargea de 
parler a la Reine; il revint a I'instant; et me dit, *' Quand je hazarderois 
laia tete en cecy, je le ferois avec joie, cependant je ne S9ais aucun- pretre 



xiv APPENDIX. 

de la Reine qui entende I'Anglois, et qui le parle." Sur cela nous re- 
solumes d'envoyer chez le Resident de Venise chercher un pretre Anglois ; 
mais parceque le tems pressoit, le Comte de Castelmelhor alia ou etoient 
les pretres de la Reine, et y trouva parmi eux un pretre Ecossois, nomme 
Hudelston, qui sauva le Roi d'Angleterre apres la bataille de Vorchester, 
et qui a ete excepte par acte du parlement de toutes les loix faites contra 
les Catholiques, et contre les pretres ; on lui donna une peruque et une 
casaque pour le deguiser, et le Comte de Castelmelhor le conduisit a la 
porte d'un appartement qui repond par un petit degre a la chambre du 
Roy ; M. le Due d'York, que j'avois averti que tout etoit prest, envoya 
ChifEns recevoir et conduire le Sieur Hudelston : ensuite il dit tout haut, 
" Messieurs, le Roy veut que tout le monde se retire a la reserve du Comte 
de Baths, et du Comte de Feversham." L'un est le premier des gentils- 
hommes de la chambre, et le second etoit en semaine et servolt actuelle- 
ment. Les medecins entrerent dans un cabinet dont on ferma la porte; et 
ChifEn amena le Sieur Hudelston.: M. le Due d'York, en le lui presen- 
tant, lui dit, " Sire, voici un homme qui vous a sauve la vie, et qui vient a 
cette heure pour sauver votre ame." Le Roy repondit, qu'il soit le bien 
venu ; ensuite il se confessa avec de grands sentimens de devotion et de 
repentir. Le Comte de Castelmelhor avoit pris soin de faire instruire Hudels- 
ton par un religieux Portugais Carme dechausse, de ce qu'il avoit a dire au 
Roi en une telle occasion, parceque de lui-meme ce n'etoit pas un grand doc- 
teur : mais M. le Due d'York m'a dit qu'il s'acquitta fort bien de sa fonction, 
et qu'il fit formellement promettre au Roi d'Angleterre, de se declarer 
ouvertement Catholique s'il revenoit en sante: ensuite il recut 1' absolution, 
communia, et re^ut meme 1' extreme onction. Tout cela dura environ trois 
quarts d'heure. Chacun se regardoit dans I'antichambre, et personnene se 
disoit rien que des yeux et i. I'oreille. La presence de Milord Baths et de 
Milord Feversham, qui sont Protestans, a un peu rassure les evesques ; ce- 
pendant les femmes de la Reine, et les autres pretres, ont vu tant d'allees et 
de venues, que je ne pense pas que le secret puisse etre longtems garde. 

Depuis que le Roi d'Angleterre eut communie, il y eut un leger amende- 
ment a son mal. II est constant qu'il parloit plus intelligiblement, et qu'il 
avoit plus de force ; nous esperions deja que Dieu avoit voulu faire un 



APPENDIX. xr 

miracle en le guerissant; maislesmedecinsjugerentquelemaln'etoit point 
diminue, et que le Roy ne passeroit pas la nuit: cependant il paroissoit 
beaucoup plus tranquille, et parloit avec plus de sens et de connoissance 
qu'il n'avoit encore fait, depuis dix heures du soir jusqu'a huit heures du 
matin. II parla plusieurs fois tout haut a M. le Due d'York avec des 
termes pleins de tendresse et d'amitie ; il lui recommanda deux fois Madame 
de Portsmouth et le Due de Richemont ; il lui recommanda aussi tons ses 
autres enfans ; il ne fit aucune mention de M. le Due de Monmouth, ni en 
bien ni en mal : il temoignoit souvent sa confiance en la misericorde de 
Dieu. L*evesque de Baths et de Vels, qui etoit son predicateur, faisoit 
quelques prieres, et lui parloit de Dieu ; le Roy d' Angleterre marquoit de 
la tete qu'il I'entendoit: cet evesque ne s'ingera pas de lui dire rien de 
particulier, ni de lui proposer de faire une profession de foi ; il apprehen- 
dolt un refus, et craignoit encore plus, a ce que je crois, d'irriter M. le 
Due d'York. 

Le Roy d' Angleterre conserva toute la nuit une entiere connoissance, et 
parla de toutes choses avec un grand calme ; il demanda a six heures, 
qu'elleheure il etoit, et dit, Faites ouvrir les rideaux afin que je voye en- 
core le jour; il souflroit de grandes douleurs, et on le saigna a sept heures 
dans I'opinion que cela adouciroit ses douleurs ; il commenga a huit heures 
et demie a ne plus parler que tres-difficilement ; et sur les dix heures, il 
n'avoit plus aucune connoissance ; il mourut a midi sans aucun effort ni 
convulsion. Le nouveau Roi se retira a son apartement, et fut reconnu 
unanimement, et ensuite proclame. 

J'ai cru devoir rendre un compte exacte a voire Majeste du detail de ce 
qui s'est passe dans cette occasion, et je m'estime bien heureux que Dieu 
m'ait fait la grace d'y avoir quelque part. Je suis, Sec. 



M. Barillon au Roi. 

19 Fevrier, 1685. 

J'lNFOjiMAi votre Majeste, le seizieme hierau soir, par un courier expres, 
de la mort du Roy d' Angleterre, et que le Due d'York avoit ete reconnu 
et proclame Roi sans aucun trouble ni opposition. Le nouveau Roi d'An- 



xvi APPENDIX. 

gleterre alia dans la chambre du conseil, un quart d'heure apres la mort 
du Roi son frere. he Garde des Sccaux d'Angleterre, le Garde du Sceau 
Prive, et les deux Secretaires d'Elat lui remirent les sceaux, qu'il leur 
rendit a I'instant, et dit qu'il etablissoit le conseil des mesmes personnes, 
dont il avoit ete compose. lis preterent tous un nouveau serment; ensuite, 
sa Majeste Britannique leur dit en peu de mots, que la douleur de la perte 
d'un frere, et d'un Roi, pour qui il avoit autant de respect et d'amitie, ne 
lui permettoit pas de leur faire un long discours ; mais, qu'il se croyoit 
oblige de leur declarer d'abord, qu'il ne se serviroit du pouvoir que Dieu lui 
avoit donne que pour le maintien des loix d'Angleterre, et qu'il ne feroit 
rien, contre la surete et la conservation de la religion Protestante ; qu'il 
apporteroit tous ses soins, pour remplir les devoirs d'un bon roi a I'egard 
de ses sujets, et de ses peuples; et qu'il s'attendoit aussi que ses sujets 
demeureroient dans Tobeissance et la fidelite qu'ils Ini doivent par les loix 
divines et humaines. Milord Rochester prit la parole, et demanda a sa 
Majeste Britannique, s'il ne lui plaisoit pas que Ton publiat une Declaration 
de ce qu'il lui avoit plu de dire. Cela fut resolu, et la Declaration sera 
imprimee. On donna ensuite les ordres pour la proclamation, et le 
conseil se leva pour aller en corps, saluer la Reine regnante ; et ensuite 
la Reine Douairiere. 

De la tout le conseil alia faire faire la publication en plusieurs endroits 
de la ville de Londres, ou le Maire se trouva aussi. Les Pairs d'Angleterre 
qui se trouverent presens, suivirent le conseil. II y avoit quelques 
troupes a cheval, qui precedoient, et des compagnies d'infanterie postees 
en divers endroits, pour reprimer le tumulte et le desordre, s'il en fut 
arrive. Le peuple fit des acclamations ordinaires en pareil cas. II y 
avoit des gens preposes pour distribuer du vin, et boire a la sante da Roi 
Jacques Second. 

11 n'y a eu encore aucun changement dans les charges. Le Roi d'An- 
gleterre a cru d'abord devoir laisser les choses comme elles sent, on n'a 
meme encore rien change au conseil du cabinet, mais il ne se tient que pour 
la forme, et le Roi d'Angleterre a des conferences secrettes avec Milord 
Sunderland, Milord Rochester, et Milord Godolphin, oii les choses les 
plus importantes se resolvent. Milord Rochester a plus de part qu'aucun 



APPENDIX. xvii 

autre a sa confiance. II ne songe plus a aller en Irlande ; on croit que ce 
sera, ou le Comte de Clarendon ou le Due de Beaufort. Le Due d'Ormond 
pourra bien y demeurer encore quelque temps. 

Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a dit qu'il envoyera Milord Churchil incessam- 
ment donner part a Votre Majeste de la mort du Roi son frere, et de son 
avenement a la couronne, et qu'il I'a choisi comme un homme, qui est deja 
dans le secret d'une intime liaison avec V. M. II est gentilhomme de sa 
chambre, et cet envoy le regardoit naturellement, n'envoyant point le 
Comte de Peterborough, qui est le premier gentilhomme de la chambre. 

Sa Majeste Britannique alia voir Madame de Portsmouth, une heure 
apres etre proclame, et lui donna beaucoup d'assurances de sa protection, 
et de son amitie. Milord Godolfin, etles autres commissaires des finances, 
demeurent dans leur fonction, mais on croit, que dans quelque temps 
Milord Rochester sera Grand Tresorier, et qu'il a juge lui-meme, plus 
a-propos, de laisser etablir les affaires avant que d'avoir ouvertement I'ad- 
ministration des finances. Milord Sunderland a aussi beaucoup de part a 
la confiance du Roi d'Angleterre ; il m'en a parle avec beaucoup d'esLime, 
et comme le croyant fort propre k le servir dans les desseins qu'il a. Sa 
Majeste Britannique a pris soin avant et depuis la mort du Roi sun fiere, 
d'etablir une liaison etroite entre Milord Rochester et Milord Sunderland. 
Leur amitie s'etoit un peu refroidie dans les derniers temps: Milord Sun- 
derland, Madame de Portsmouth, et Milord Godolfin possedoient seuls 
toute I'autorite aupres du feu Roi d'Angleterre, Milord Rochester, qui le 
connoissoit, avoit desire d'aller en Irlaiide, a quoi les autres Tavoient servi, 
pour lui procurer un exil honorable. M. le Due de York souffroit avec 
peine la diminution du credit de Milord Rochester, croyant que cela 
retournoit sur lui. J'ai ete souvent employe a adoucir ce qui se passoit. 

Milord Churchil est informe de tout a fond, et pourra, si V. M. I'a 
agreahle, lui dire beaucoup de choses, qu'il est impossible d'expliquer 
par des lettres. EUes ne sont pas a cette heure fort importantes, si ce 
n'est pour faire mieux cpnnoitre I'etat du dedans de la cour d'Angleterre, 
presenteraent. Milord Churchil a beaucoup de part aux bonnes graces 
de son maitre, et le choix qu'il a fait de lui pour I'envoy^r a V. M. en est 
une marque. Je viens a gette heure a ce qu'il y a de plus important, 

c 



xviii APPENDIX. 

Les revenus du Roi d'Angleterre tombent pour la plus grande partie 
par la mort du Roi son frere. II est persuade que le gouvernement ne se 
peut soutenir avec ce qui lui reste de revenu, qui ne monteroit au plus 
qu'a sept cens mille livres sterlin. 

II me fit hier au soir entrer dans son cabinet, et apres m'avoir parle de 
diverses choses du dedans qui ne sont pas de grande importance, il me dit, 
Vous allez peutetre etre surpris, mais j'espere que vous vous serez de mon 
avis quand je vous aurai dit mes raisons. J'ai resolu de convoquer inces- 
samment un parlemenl, et de I'assembler au mois de Mai. Je publierai 
en meme tems une declaration pour me maintenir dans la jouissance des 
memes revenus qu'avoit le Roy mon frere. Sans cette proclamation pour 
un parlement, je hazarderois trop de m'emparer d'abord de ce qui s'est 
etabli pendant la vie du feu Roy ; c'est un coup decisif pour moi d'entrer 
en possession et en jouissance ; car dans la suite, il me sera bienplus facile 
ou d'eloigner le parlement, ou de me maintenir par des autres voyes qui 
me paroitroient bien plus convenables. Beaucoup de gens diront que 
je me determine trop promptement a convoquer un parlement; mais si 
j'attendois d'avantage, j*en perdrois tout le merite. Je connois les Anglois ; 
il ne faut pas leur temoigner de crainte dans les commencemens ; les gens 
mal-intentionnes auroient forme des cabales pour demander un parlement, 
et se seroient attire la faveur de la nation dont ils auroient abuse dans la 
suite ; je S9ai bien que je trouverai encore des difficultes a surmonter ; mais 
j'en viendrai a bout, et me mettrai en etat de reconnoitre les obligations in- 
finies que j'ai au Roy votre maitre. 

Je connois en quels embarras le feu Roy mon frere s'est jette quand il 
s'est laisse ebranler a I'egard de la France : j'empecherai bien qu'un parle- 
ment ne se mele des affaires etrangeres ; et je le separerai des que je verrai 
qu'ils feront paroitre aucune mauvaise volonte. 

C'est a vous a expliquer au Roi votre maitre ce que je vous dis, afin 
qu'il ne trouve pas a redire que j'aie pris si promptement une resolution si 
importante, et sans le consulter, comme je le dois et le veux faire en tout ; 
mais j'aurois gate extremement mes affaires, si j'avois differe seulement de 
huit jours, car je serois demeure prive des revenus que je conserve ; et la 
moindre opposition, de la part de ceux qui auroient refuse de payer les 



APPENDIX. xix 

droits, m'auroit engage a les lever par force, au lieu que je pretendrai 
avoir la loy pour moi presentement ; et 11 me sera fort aise de reduire ceux 
qui voudront s'opposer a ce que je fais. 

Le Roy d'Angleterre a ajoute a eela toutes sortesde protestations de re- 
connoissance et d'attachement pour votre Majeste ; il me dit que sans son 
appui et sa protection, il ne pouvoit rien entreprendre de ce qu'il avoit 
dans I'esprit en faveur des Catholiques ; qu'il savoit assez, qu'il ne seroit 
jamais en surete que la liberte de conscience pour eux ne fut entierement 
ctablie en Angleterre ; que c'est a cela a quoi il travaillera avec une entiere 
appliquation des qu'il y verra de la possibilite ; que j'avois vu avec quelle 
facilite il avoit ete reconnu et proclame Roy ; que le reste arrivera de la 
meme maniere en se conduisant avec fermete et sagesse. 

Je dis a sa Majeste Britannique que je ne prendrois pas le parti de re- 
pondre sur le champ a ce qu'il me faisoit I'honneur de me dire ; que je ne 
pouvois jamais douter de la sincerite de ses sentimens a I'egard de votre Ma- 
jeste ; et que je le croiois trop habile et trop sage pour rien faire qui put 
alterer une liaison fondee sur tant d'experience et de raison ; que je rendrois 
compte a votre Majeste de ce qu'il m'avoit dit ; et que quand j'y aurois 
pense, je lui dirois librement mes sentiments, qui nedevoient etre d'aucun 
poids jusques a ce que je parlasse de la part de votre Majeste ; que je lui 
dirois cependant de moi-meme, et sans y penser d'avantage, que votre Ma- 
jeste est en un tel etat qu'elle n'a rien a desirer pour I'augmentation de sa 
puissance et dc sa grandeur : qu'elle a donne des bornes a ses conquetes 
dans le tems qu'elle auroit pu facilement les augmenter; que son amitie 
pour le feu Roi d'Angleterre et pour lui a qui j'avois I'honneur de parler, 
I'avoit engage a soutenir leurs interets et ceux de la Royaute en ce pays- 
cy ; que Dieu avoit beni les desseins de votre Majeste par tout ; et que 
j'etois assure qu'elle auroit une joie sensible de son elevation au gouvernment 
de trols royaumes ; que je ne doutois point que sa conduite ne fut toujours 
conforme a ce qu'il devoit a sa reputation, et a ses veritables interets, qui 
seront de conserver I'amitie de votre Majeste ; et qu'il est juste de se rap- 
porter de ses affaires pour le dedans a ce qu'il en jugera lui-meme. Je n'ai 
pas cru. Sire, devoir combattre, sans y avoir pense murcment, une resolu- 
tion deja prise, et que mes raisons n'auroient pas fait changer: j'ai meme 



XX APPENDIX. 

estime qu'il etoit de la dignlte de votre Majeste que je ne parusse pas in- 
timide d'une assemblee de parlement, pour les seuls interets de votre Ma- 
jeste, quand leRoy d'Angleterre temoigne n'en rien apprehender. 

Milord Rochester m'est venu trouver ce matin de la part de sa Majeste Bri- 
tannique, pour m'expliquer plus au long les motifs de la convocation d'un 
parlement; il a ajoute a tout ce que leRoi d'Angleterre m'avoit dit, que s'il 
n'avoit prevenu les requetes qu'on lui alloit faire, le Garde des Sceaux et le 
Marquis d'Halifax n'auroient pas manque de le presser d'assembler un parle- 
ment ; qu'il avoit voulu les prevenir, et faire connoitre que ce qu'il fait, vient 
de son pur mouvement ; que I'avantage present qu'il tire de cette declaration, 
estde se mettre en possession du revenu qu'avoit le feu Roy d'Angleterre, 
aussi bien que de sa couronne; qu'il auroit ete trop a charge a votre Ma- 
jeste s'il avoit ete oblig^ de lui demander des secours aussi considerables 
que ceux dontil auroit cu besoin; que ce qu'il fait ne I'exempte pasd'avoir 
recours a votre Majeste ; et qu'il espere qu'elle voudra bien dans les com- 
mencemens de son regne I'aider a en soutenir le poids ; que cette nouvelle 
obligation, jointe a tant d'autres, I'engagera encore d'avantage a ne se pas 
departir du chemin, qu'il a cru que le feu Roy son frere devoit tenir a 
I'egaid de votre Majeste ; que ce sera le moyen de le laire independent du 
parlement, et de se mettre en etat de se soutenir sans parlement, si on lui 
refuse la continuation des revenus dont le feu Roi jouissoit. 
. Milord Rochester n'u obmis aucune des raisons qu'il a cru propres a me 
convaincre, que votre Majeste n'hazarde rien ensecourant presenlement le 
Roi d'Angleterre d'une somme considerable ; que c'est soutenir son ouvrage, 
et le mettre en etat de ne se jamais dementir ; que pour lui, il n'a point 
change de sentimens, et que son opinion etoit que le Roi son maitre ne se 
pent bien soutenir sans I'aide et le secours de votre Majeste : que ce seroit 
le laisser a la merci de son peuple, et en etat d'etre mine, si votre Majeste 
ne lui donnoit pas de nouvelles marques de son auiitie dans une occasion si 
decisive ; et que de ce commencement dependoit tout le bonheur de son 
maitre. 

Jcdis a Milord Rochester, qu'il s'etoit passe tant de choses considerables, 
et imprevues, depuis quelques jours, qu'il seroit imprudent a un etranger 
comme moi de vouloir former des jugemens sur ce qui est a faire dans la 



APPENDIX. xxi 

conjoncture presente ; que le mot de parlement ne me faisoit point de 
peur, que je savois, par experience, qu'ils n'avoient de force qu'autant que 
leur en donnoit uue cabale de cour, et une intelligence avec les ministres; 
que je connoissois la difference du temps passe, a celui-ci, et avec quelle 
fermete le nouveau Roi d'Angleterre seroit porte par son naturel a con- 
duire les affaires ; que je voyois bien qu'il est dans une conjoncture deli- 
cate et fort perilleuse ; que je ne pouvois cependant qu'approuver la 
resolution prise de se maintenir dans la possession de tout le revenu du 
Roi d'Angleterre; que la convocation d'un parlement donneroit beauconp 
d'esperance aux anciens ennemis de M. le Due d'York et de la royaute, 
qu'ils employeroient toute sorte d'artifice pour le jetter dans des embarras, 
dont il ne se pourroit tirer ; qu'on ne lui accorderoit rien qu'a des condi- 
tions fort dures, et qu'il seroit alors egalement perilleux de les accorder, 
ou de les refuser ; que, cependant, je ne manquerois pas de rendre compte 
a V. M. de I'etat des affaires, et de ce qui m'a ete dit sur le besoin present 
d'un secours considerable ; qu'autrefois une pareille demande auroit paru 
incompatible, avec le dessein d'assenibler un parlement : que V. M. etoit 
prevenue de beaucoup d'estime et de confiance pour le Roi d'Angleterre ; 
que j'avois ete assez heureux pour executer avec quelque succes les ordres 
que j'avois regus de V. M. sur son sujet; qu'il en etoit meilleur temoin que 
personne, puisque c'etoit avec lui que j'avois traite pour la conservation 
du droit de M. le Due d'York a la couronne, et pour son retour d'Ecosse, et 
pour son retablissement dans les conseils, et dans la fonction de I'amiraute; 
que j'etois fort aise de traiter presentement avec un ministre aussi accredite 
quil etoit aupres d'un grand Roi, dont il a I'honneur d'etre beau-frcre, et 
que la conduite qu'il a tenue avec moi pendant qu'il avoit la direction des 
finances, avoit donne beaucoup d'estime pour lui a V. M. 

II repondit a cela en des termes pleins de respect, et me dit, Me voila 
encore employe a vous demander de I'argent. Je ne le ferois pas si har- 
diraent, si je ne croyois, que ce sera de I'argent bien employe, et que le 
Roi votre maitre n'en sauroit faire un meilleur usage ; soyez assure que 
vos ennemis, et ceux du Roi mon maitre seroient fort aises que Ton ne lit 
rien de considerable en France pour lui en une occasion comme celle-ci. 
Representez bien au Roi votre maitre la consequence de mettre le mien en 



xxii APPENDIX. 

etat de n' avoir besoln que de son amitie, et de ne pas dependre de ses sujets, 
ensorte qu'iis puissent lui donner la loi. 

Voila, Sire, le recit exact de ce qui s'est passe ici jusqu'a aujourdhui. 
Je ne serai pas assez hardi pour former des jugemens certains surl'avenir. 
I'Angleterre est sujette a trop de revolutions, et a de trop grands change- 
ments, pourpouvoir predire ce qui arrivera. II me paroit, par tout ce que 
je puis penetrer, que les factieux n'ont pas abandonne lenr desseins, et que 
les esprits ne sont pas revenus de leur aversion pour la Religion Catholique. 
Ceux qui ont offense M. leDuc d'York, et qui I'ont voulu perdre, croient, 
qu'il s'en souviendra toujours, et qu'il ne leur pardonnera pas ; cependant 
tout paroit calme, et c'est un grand avantage pour sa Majeste Britannique. 
que d'entrer paisiblement en possession de sa couronne, et des revenus, 
qui sont necessaires pour la soutenir, L'utilite presente qu'on pent tirer 
de la convocation d'un parlement, c'est que cela contiendra ceux memes 
qui ont des desseins de brouiller, parcequ'ils croiront en avoir un pretexte 
plus plausible quand le parlement sera assemble. Si j'ose dire mon avis 
a V. M. je crois qu'elle commencera par des temoignages d'amitie et de 
confiance au Roi d'Angleterre. 

J'attens de jour a autre une lettre de change de 50,000 livres, qui, jointe i 
une autre de pareille somme, qui est deja ici, me mettra en etat defaire un paye- 
mentde cent mille francs: je ne le ferai pourtant point sans un ordre expres, 
et je ferai en sorte qu'on approuvera ici que je ne me dispense pas des regies 
dans un temps auquel rien ne paroit qui puisse troubler le Roi d'Angleterre. 

Je me donnerai I'honneur par le premier ordinaire de rendre compte a V. 
M. de I'effet qu'aura produit le bruit de la convocation d'un parlement. 
J'essayerai de penetrer les desseins des ministres, et les divers motifs de 
chacun d'eux. lis ont ete bien aises d'avoir seuls part a la resolution 
d'assembler un parlement, mais I'entreprise de se saisir des douanes et des 
revenus de I'excise, qui devroient finir par la mort du feu Roi d'Angleterre, 
causera une grande rumeur, et fera juger aux plus senses, que le Roi d'An- 
gleterre veut plaider les mains garnies. Je n'obmeltrai aucun soin pour 
etre bien informe de tout, afin que V. M. me commande ce qui sera de 
son service. Si elle juge a-propos, de faire promptement passer ici une 
somme considerable, je ne donnerai pas d'avantage pour cela, et ne ferai 



APPENDIX. xxili 

rien de mon chef, a moins que je ne visse une rebellion formee, et qu'il 
futd'une absoluenecessite defournir un prompt secours auRoi d'Angleterre. 
II est, autant que je le puis juger, fort important que V. M. veuillebien 
approuver des facilites sur I'affaire de Tordonnance, qui defend aux vais- 
seaux Anglois de transporter des marchandises des Genois, Je ferai le 
meilleur usage qu'il me sera possible des ordres, que j'attens de V. M. 
sur cela. La depeche du 9e. Fevrier de M. le Marquis de Croissy a deja, 
produit un tres-bon effet. Si les ordres que je recevrai ne sont pas suf. 
fisans pour accommoder I'afTaire a I'entiere satisfaction de sa Majeste Bri- 
tanniquc, j'attendrai que V. M. ait ete informee de toutce qui est arrive, et 
je trouverai bien moyen de gagner du temps, jusqu'a ce que j'aye regu 
de nouveaux ordres. V. M. juge assez, qu'il est de consequence que le. regne 
du Roi d'Angleterre ne commence pas par une mesintelligence entre V. M. 
et lui. Le fonds de I'affaire ne subsiste plus, puisque les Genois se sont 
soumis a tout ce qui V. M. leur a prescrit. 

Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a dit ce soir, Je vous ay envoye Milord Rochester, 
et je n'ai point fait de diflBcult6 d'exposer au Roi votre maitre le besoin 
que j'ai de son assistance; vous savez en quel etat je me trouve, et combien 
la conjoncture est importante pour moi. II m'a dit ensuite, que par les 
dernieres lettres de Bruxelles, on y attendoit M. le Due de Monmouth, et 
que I'ambassadeur d'Espagne lui avoit demande ce matin de quelle ma- 
niere il desiroit qu'on traitat avec M. le Due de Monmouth; qu'il lui avoit 
repondu, que tout le monde savoit la conduite qu'a tenue M. le Due de 
Monmouth a son egard, et que ce n'etoit pas a lui a rien conseiller sur ce 
que le Roi d'Espagne, ou ses ministres, croient devoir faire ; qu'ils avoient 
leurs ordres, ou qu'ils en recevroient de nouveaux, et que c'etoit a eux de 
juger ce qui convient au service, et a la dignite de leur maitre. On a 
arreste a Douvres un domestique fort confident de M. le Due de Mon- 
mouth, qui s'appelle Jean Guibring ; il venoit de Flandres : il en etoit 
parti avant la maladie du feu Roi d'Angleterre ; on croit pourtant de- 
couvrir quelque chose par lui. Le Roy d'Angleterre m'a charge ce soir d'une 
lettre de sa main pour V. M. 

Je suis avec le profond respect que je dois, 8cc. 

19 Fevrier, 1685. BARILLON. 



APPENDIX. 



Le Roi a M. Barillon. 

20 Fevrier, 1685. 

JVloNsiEUR Barillon, vos deux lettres des 12, 17, ib. de ce mois m'ont 
etes rendues par le courier que vous m'avez depeche, et j'ay appris avec 
etonnement et un deplaisir bien sensible la mort si subite du Roi d'Angle- 
terre ; ce n'a pas ete neanmoins une petite consolation pour moi, d'etre in- 
forme par ces memes lettres, de toutes les graces que Dieu a faites ace prince 
sur la fin de ses jours, et du bonheur qu'il a eu d'en profiter si dignement. 

[On tiendra cependant fort secret de ma part toiU ce que sest passe dans ses 
derniers moments J] 

Je vous addresse la lettre que j'ecris de ma main au Roi son frere, et 
vous ne sauriez trop lui exprimer en la lui rendant de'ma part, combien 
je ra'interesse a tout ce qui le louche, et le plaisir que je me ferai tousjours 
de procurer ses avantages et sa satisfaction. 

Observez bien quelle est la disposition presente des esprits tantala cour, 
oil vous etes, que dans la ville de Londres, et a la campagne ; quel mouve- 
ment se donnent les cabales opposees a I'autorite royale, et a la Religion 
Catholique ; quelles sont les intrigues du Prince d'Orange et du Due de 
Monmouth ; qui en sont les principaux promoteurs ; si leurs factions sont 
puissantes; quelles mesures prend le Due d'York. 

[Quelle peut etre la force du party Catholique en Angleterre.] 

Sur le fait de la religion, s'il pretend faire une proclamation, qui donne 
le libre exercise a chaque religion, et par consequent aux Catholiques? 
S'il ne fera pas mettre en liberte les Seigneurs Catholiques detenus dans la 
Tour; a qui le dit Roi distribuera les principales charges; quelles mesures 
il prend pour s'assurer des ports de mer,et places les plusimportantes; s'il 
peut se confieraux troupes entretenues aux depcns de la couronne ; si les 
principaux commandans sont fort attaches a ses interets; qui sont ceux dont 
il se doit deficr, ou sur qui il peut faire un fondcur certain? 

[Qiiel changement ilfait parmi les ojfficiers des diles troupes; quel est lefonds, 
quil a pour les entretenir.] 

Ainsi appliquez vous a etre parfaitement informe, et a me rendre un 



APPENDIX. XXV 

compte exact de tous les moyem, qu'a le dit Roi de malntenir son autorite, 
et de tout ce qu'il doit apprehender, ensorte que je puisse etre bien averti, 
et je formerai mes resolutions sur vos avis. 

Comme je suis tres-satisfait de la conduite que le Comte de Sunderland 
a tenue, depuis qu'il est rentre dans I'administration des affaires, vous devez 
lui rendre aupres du Roi d' Angleterre tous les bons oflSces qui dependront 
de vous, et meme faire connoitre, si vous le jugez necessaire, que sa con- 
servation me sera tres-agreable. Vous pouvez aussi assurer la Duchesse 
de Portsmouth de la continuation de ma protection. 

Je viens de donner ordre qu'on vous fasse remettre presentement par 
lettres de change jusqu'alasomme de cinq cens mille livres, afin que vous 
puissiez assister le Roi d' Angleterre, selon les plus pressants besoins qu'il 
en pourra avoir dans le commencement de son gouvernement, m'assurant 
que vous vous conduirez en cela, avec toute la prudence necessaire pour 
rendre ce secours le plus utile qu'il le pourra, au bien de ses affaires, et le 
lui faire considerer comme une preuve la plus essentielle de mon amitie, 
qui va au-devant de ce qui lui peut etre necessaire dans la conjoncture 
presente. 

Je ne doute pas, qu'il ne soit assez porte, par son propre interet, a 
empecher que le Prince d'Orange, ou le Due de Monmouth, ne passent 
en Angleterre ; mais si, contre mon opinion, il vous paroissoit dispose a y 
consentir, vous ne sauriez trop lui representer, combien il lui importe de 
prendre de bonnes mesures, pour empecher qu'ils ne puissent y aborder, 
et se joindre aux cabales opposees a I'affermissement de son autorite. En 
un mot, les desseins du Prince d'Orange non seulement sont incompa- 
tibles avec la surete de sa personne et de son etat, mais aussi avec les 
liaisons qui peuvent s'entretenir avec les Rois de France et d'An- 
gleterre. 

Je recois encore presentement par la voye de Londres, vos lettres de 
12, 14, et 15 '. qui m'informent principalement descirconstances de la ma- 
iadie et de la mort du feu Roi d'Angleterre ; et comtae dies me; font voir 
aussi que la fermeture des ports n'avoit ete ordonnee qu'afin d'empecher 
que le Prince d'Orange ou le Due de Monmouth ne prissent pr^texte de la 
maladie du feu Roi pour passer en Angleterre, je ne doute.- pas quele Roi 

d 



xxvi APPENDIX. 

a present regnant ne prenne encore plus de soin, a empecher qu'aucun 
d'eux n'y aille susciter de nouveaux troubles centre son gouvernement; et 
il ne pourroit point se relacher sur cette precaution sans se faire un preju- 
dice considerable, et s'exposer a de grands perils. 

Dans I'etat present des aflfaires d'Angleterre, je n'ay pas cru pouvoir 
charger Milord d'Aran d'une lettre pour le Roi, d'autant plus, que celle 
que je lui ay ccrite sur notre aflBiction commune, et sur son avenement a la 
couronne, etoit meme contre F usage, et que ce n'etoit que par un pur motif 
d'amitie,que j'ay passe par-dessusles regies, qui m'auroient oblige d'attendre 
qu'on m'auroit fait part de ce changement ; c'est pourquoi je desire, que 
vous informiez le Roi de la raison pour la quelle je n'ai pas donne des 
lettres au Milord ; et qu'au surplus vous lui rendiez tous les bons oflBces 
que vous pourrez, pour lui procurer aupres du nouveau Roi tous les avan- 
tages qui lui peuvent convenir, le regardant comme une personne qui a 
tousjours fait paroitre tout I'attachement pour le service du Roi, que lui 
pouvoit permettre le zele qu'il avoit pour le feu Roi d'Angleterre, et qu'il 
continuera d'avoir pour le Roi d'a-present. 

Je ne reponds point aux articles de votre lettre qui regardent les plaintes 
que font les Anglois au sujet de quelques vaisseaux de cette nation qui ont 
etepris et amenes a Toulon; car je m'assure que les ordres que j'ai donnes 
pour les faire relacher, et tout ce que je vous ai ecrit, aura pleinement 
satisfait le Roi d'Angleterre, et fait cesser tout sujet de plainte de ses sujets. 



Le Roi a M. Barillon. 

26 Fevrier, I685. 

iVloNSiEUR Barillon, votre second courier m'a rendu vos lettres des 
18 et 19* de ce mois, dont la premiere m'informe exactement de tout ce 
qui s'est passe de plus considerable pendant les quatres jours de la maladie 
du feu Roi d'Angleterre, et I'autre, de la resolution qu'a prise le Roi 
d'a-pr6sent de convoquer un nouveau parlement, et de I'assembler dans le 
mois de Mars prochain. Je n'avois rien a desirer sur le premier point, a 
quoi vous n'ayez pleinement satisfait ; je vous dirai aussi, qu'apres avoir 



APPENDIX. xxvii 

donne des marques particulieres au Roi d'Angleteire, de la part que je 
prenois a sa douleur, je I'ai temoigne aussi publiquement, en faisant cesser 
d'abord dans ma cour les divertissements de bal et d'opera, et en prenant 
ensuite le deuil, que j'ai resolu de porter aussi long- terns que le feu Roi 
I'a garde pour la mort de la feue Reine mon epouse. 

Vous avez vu par ma depeche du 20' de ce mois, que j'ai prevenu 
la demande qui vous a ete faite par le Roi d' Angleterre d'un secours 
d'argent, et que vous etes presentement en etat de le faire au-dela de ce 
qu'il pouvoit esperer. J'approuve aussi la resolution qu'il a prise de convo- 
quer un nouveau parlement, pour I'assembler au mois de Mars, et les rai- 
sons sur lesquelles il se fonde me persuadent qu'il ne pouvoit pas prendre, 
un meilleur parti, ayant d'ailleurs trop bonne opinion des sa sagesse, pour 
douter qu'il puisse rien arriver qui soit capable de le detacher des liaisons 
qu'il a prises avec moi. 

Comme le Sieur D'Avaux m'ecrit que le Due de Monmouth est parti 
de la Haye la nuit du 20". fort secretement, pour passer en Angleterre, je 
m'assure que j'apprendrai par vos premieres lettres quelles mesures aura 
prises la Cour ou vous etes pour s'opposer aux desseins que pent avoir ce 
Due, et que vous me pourrez donner en memes temps une partie des 
eclaircissements que je vous ai demandes par ma depeche du 20% y ayant 
bien de I'apparence que les cabales du Prince d'Orange et du Due de 
Monmouth ne demeureront pas sans action dans ce commencement de 
regne, et qu'il pourroit aussi etre trouble par les differentes sectes, qui 
ont interet d'empecher I'etablissement de notre religion. 

J'ai fait choix du Marechal de Lorge pour aller faire compliment au 
Roi d' Angleterre sur son avenement a la couronne, et sur la mort du feu 
Roy son frere. Je ne puis pas douter que la cour ou vous etes ne soit satis- 
faite de ce que je vous ai mande par ma depeche du 12', et par la prece- 
dente, au sujet des vaisseaux Anglois qui font leur commerce avec la ville 
de Genes, et j'ay donne ordre que le dernier qui a ete envoye a Toulon 
soit relache, et qu'a I'avenir il n'y en ait aucun qui soit detourne de sa 
route, ensorte qu'aussitot que mes ordres auront pu etre rendus a ceux 
qui commandent mes vaisseaux, il n'arrivera plus rien qui puisse donner 
sujet de plainte aux Anglois. 



xxviii APPENDIX. 

Je vous envoye nne lettre pour J a Duchesse de Portsmouth, et vous poit- 
vez lui confirmer, en la lui rendant, les assurances que je lui donne de ma 
protection. 



M. Barillon au Roy. 

26 Fevrier, 168 5. 

J E recus avant hier la depeche de votre Majeste du 20 de ces mois, par le 
retour du courier que j'avois depeche ; j'allai a I'instant trouver le Roi 
d'Angleterre ; je lui donnai la lettre de la main de votre Majeste, qu'il eut 
la bonte de me faire lire ; il me parut recevoir avec une entiere sensibilite 
les temoignages de I'amitie de votre Majeste ; je crus n'en devoir pas faire 
a deux fois, et ne pas differer a I'informer du soin que votre Majeste avoit 
eu, d'assembler en si peu de tems des lettres de change pour la somme de 
cinq cent mille livres, et de me les envoyer afin que j'en puisse faire I'usage 
qui conviendroit a son service. Ce Prince fut extremement slirpris, et me 
dit, les larmes aux yeux, " II n'appartient qu'au Roi votre maitre d'agir 
d'une maniere si noble et si pleine de bonte pour moi ; je vous avoue, que 
je suis plus sensible a ce qu'il fait en cela, qu' a tout ce qui pent arriver 
dans la suite de ma vie ; car je vois clairement ie fonds de son coeur, et 
combien il a envie que mes affaires prosperent ; il a ete au-devant de ce 
que je pouvois desirer, et a prevenu mes besoins ; je ne saurois jamais re- 
connoitre assez un tel precede ; temoignez lui ma reconnoissance, et soiez 
garant de I'attachement qui j'aurai toute ma vie pour lui." 

Je ne saurois, Sire, exprimer quelle joie eut ce Prince de voir une si 
prompte et si soiide marque de I'amitie de votre Majeste, et la prompti- 
tude avec la quelle votre Majeste avoit envoye une somme aussi conside- 
rable. Je lui dis, que pour ne rien derober a ce qu'il devoit a votre Ma- 
jeste, je lui avouerois franchement, que dans le trouble ou je me trouvois 
au moment de la mort du feu Roi d'Angleterre, je n'avois songe qu'a de- 
pecher un courier pour en informer votre Majeste, et que je ne lui avois 
pas represente combien il importoit de lui envoyer un prompt secours ; 
que si en cela j'avois fait un manquement, il etoit bien repare par ce que 
votre Majeste a fait. Le Roy d'Angleterre m'interrompit, et dit, qu'il 



APPENDIX, xxix 

ne pouvoit assez admirer la prevoyance de votre Majeste, et le soin de lui 
donner si promptement une marque si essentielle de son amide ; que votre 
Majeste n'y seroit point trompee; et qu'il se souviendroit de ce qu'elle fai- 
soit pour lui afFermir la couronne sur sa tete. 

Des que je fus sorti, il s'enferma avec Milord Rochester, Milord Sun- 
derland, et Milord Godolfin, et leur conta ce que je lui avois dit de la 
part de votre Majeste, en des terrnes qui ajoutent encore a ceux dont il 
s'etoit servi avec moi. lis vinrent I'un apres I'autre me dire a I'oreille que 
j'avois donne la vie au Roi leur niaitre, et que quoiqu'il se tint assure de 
Tamitie de votre Majeste, cette derniere preuve, donnee si a-propos, I'obli- 
geoit au-dela tout de ce qu'on pouvoit croire. 

Je m'attendois bien, que ce que votre Majeste a fait, produiroit un 
bon efFet, mais je ne croiois pas en recevoir tant de temoignages de recon- 
noissance, et je vois par la, que peutetre avoit-on voulu inspirer au Roi 
d'Angleterre quelque crainte que votre Majeste ne feroit pas de grands 
efforts pour le soutenir. Je dis pourtant cela de moi-meme, car j'ai vu 
dans tous le discours de sa Majeste Britannique une grande confiance en 
I'amitie de votre Majeste. 

Je dois lui rendre compte de ce qui s'etoit passe la veille ; j'eus une con- 
ference avec les trois ministres. Milord Rochester, comme president du 
conseil, m'expliqua enpeu demots ce qu'ils avoient en charge du Roi leur 
maitre de me dire, qui se terminoit a representer a votre Majeste le besoin 
de ses affaires, et combien il lui importoit d'etre secouru dans le com- 
mencement de son regne. 

Milord Rochester entra ensuite dans la discussion du traite fait avec le 
feu Roi d'Angleterre; nous convinmes de tout, meme de ce qui restoit 
pour le parfait payement de trois annees de subside echiies. Milord Ro- 
chester dit qu'il y avoit eu toujours entre lui et moi un differend sur ce 
compte, en ce qu'il s'etoit attendu, et avoit cru, que votre Majeste donne- 
roit deux millions par an, pendant trois ans ; qu'il etoit vrai que j'avois dit 
de mon cote, que je n' avois jamais eu pouvoir de promettre que quinze 
cent mille livres pour chacune des deux derniers annees ; que cette difficulte 
n' avoit pas ete terminee; et que Ton n'avoitpas meme parle de la quatrieme 
annee, qui est presqu'echUe, parcequ'on ne prevoyoit pas que votre Ma- 



XXX APPENDIX. 

jeste eut voulu discontinuer un subside au feu Roy d'Angleterre, dont la 
conduite en tout etoit si agreable a votre Majeste, et s'etoit si peu dementie 
en toutes occasions. Je repondis a cela, queje ne prendrois pas le parti de 
rien contester sur des matieres de fait, a moins qu'elles ne fussent entiere- 
ment constantes ; que je n'avois pu exceder mes pouvoirs, et que je ne 
I'avois pas fait; ainsi qu'il n'y avoit qu' a s'en tenir a ce dont nous etions 
convenus ; et que je ne laisserois pas de representer a votre Majeste tout 
ce qui s'etoit dit par eux, afin qu'elle vit ce qu'elle jugeroit convenable a 
son service, et au bien des affaires du Roy d'Angleterre. 

Milord Rochester finit en disant, Nous n'avons jamais eu de contestation, 
Monsieur I'Ambassadeur et moi ; car comme ce que le Roy son raaitre a 
fourni, etoit une gratification sans conditions, je u'etois pas en droit de dis- 
puter sur le plus ou le moins.; je crois pourtant, que ce que nous avons 
fait ensemble a ete pour le service des deux Roys, et que I'un et 1" autre ne 
s'en sont pas mal trouves : il ajouta que son sentiment etoit de traiter encore 
de la meme maniere, et d'etablir une confiance et une liaison pareille a celle 
qui a deja si bien reussi. Je convins de ce qu'il avoit avance ; j'y ajoutai 
que quoique le feu Roi d'Angleterre ne se fut pas oblige formellement a 
renoncer a son traite avec FEspagne il avoit neannioins tenu sur cela la 
conduite qu'on devoit attendre ; que le Roy d'a-present etoit encore plus 
libre ; et qu'il n'etoit en aucun fagon du monde oblige a ce traite, de I'exe- 
cution duquel le Roy son frere avoit juge etre suffisamment dispense. Les 
trois mlnistres convinrent de ce queje disois, et me dirent, que le Roy leur 
maitre se tenoit entierement degage de I'obligation, oil etoit entre le feu 
Roy, quelque legere qu'elle fut, 

Je promis d'ecrire a votre Majeste efficacement pour favoriser la de- 
mande, que devoit faire Milord Churchil a votre Majeste, d'un secours pre- 
sent et considerable. Nous eiimes bier une autre conference par ordre de 
sa Majeste Britannique, mais il ne fiit plus question de rien de ce qui avoit 
ete traite dans la precedente. Les ministres s'efforcerent, I'un apres I'autre, 
de me faire entendre, qu'ils ne croioient plus devoir ni capituler ni discuter 
les interets du Roy leur maitre avec moi ; que votre Majeste les avoit mis 
en etatde ne rien dire ; etquun procede si franc et si genereux de sa part 
avoit oblige le Roy leur maitre a leur donner ordre de me temoigner sa re- 



APPENDIX. xxxi 

connoissance, et de me prier dela representer a votre Majeste telle qu'il la 
ressent ; que Milord Churchil n'avoit autre charge que de remercier votre 
Majeste, et que pour le surplus, on se remettoit a ce que je connoissois de 
I'etat des affaires pour porter votre Majeste a faire ce qu'il lui plairoit, 
jugeant que Ton ne devoit rien demander a un Prince qui a prevenu ce 
qu'on pouvoit attendre de lui. 

Le Roy d'Angleterre me parla hier plusieurs fois, et me dit, qu'il est 
penetre de reconnoissance, et qu'il se croit en etat de ne rien craindre, etant 
assure comme il Test de I'amitie de votre Majeste. Je me suis peutetre 
trop etendu sur tout cela, mais il est, ce me semble, a-propos, que votre 
Majeste connoisse combien sa Majeste Britannique et ses ministres ont ete 
sensibles a ce que votre Majeste a fait. Je n'ai point encore donne d'argent ; 
il faut quelques jours pour I'echeance des lettres de change, dont on ne 
veut pas meme que je presse trop le payement, pour ne pas faire soup- 
9onner a la Bourse ce qui se passe ; ainsi je recevrai encore des ordres de 
votre Majeste, avant que je sois en etat de faire aucun payement consider- 
able. II ne me paroit pas meme qu'on ait aucune inquietude icy de toucher 
de I'argent ; on se fie tellement a votre Majeste, que Ton croit I'argentaussi 
bien chez moi que s'il etoit a Whitehall. Je suis peut-etre trompe, mais je 
ne pense pas que votre Majeste puisse rien faire qui lui soit de plus grande 
utilite pour I'avenir, que d'avoir prevenu ce que I'on pouvoit desirer en 
une occasion si importante. 

Sa Majeste Britannique me dit encore hier au soir, " Je ne regarde pas 
I'etat ouje suis, mais I'etat ou je pouvois etre. Tout est paisible en An- 
gleterre et en Ecosse; mais le Roy votre maitre m'a secouru dans un terns 
qu'il ne pouvoit savoir s'il y auroit une sedition a Londres, et si je n'en 
serois pas chasse." 

Le Roi d'Angleterre fut hier publiquement a la messe dans une petite 
chapelle de la Reine sa femme, dont la porte etoit ouverte ; cela a faft 
parler le monde fort ouvertement. II me dit un jour auparavant, qu'il 
falloit que chacun agit selon son sens, et conformement a son tempera- 
ment ; qu'une dissimulation de sa religion etoit opposee a sa maniere d'agir ; 
que les mal-intentionnes auroient pris avantage de sa crainte, s'il en avoit 
temoigne ; que quand il hazarderoit quelque chose en cela, il se croyoit 



xxxii APPENDIX. 

oblige en conscience de professer ouvertement sa religion ; qu'il croyoit 
que Dieu n'avoit pas permis que le Roy son frere put faire une profession 
publique de sa religion, qu'un peu avant sa mort, parcequ'il avoit trop 
craint de se montrer aux yeux des hommes tel qu'il etoit, et que cependant 
il I'avoit pu faire en diverses rencontres, sans aucun peril ; qu'il espere, 
que Dieu le protegera, et puisque V. M. le veut soutenir, et lui temoigner 
une amitie si sincere, il ne croit pas avoir rien a craindre. 

Ce Prince m'expliqua a fonds son dessein a I'egard des Catholiques, qui 
est de les etablir dans une entiere liberie de conscience et d'exercice de la 
Religion; c'est ce qui ne se pent qu'avec du temps, et en conduisant peu- 
a-peu les affaires a ce but. Le plan de sa Majeste Britannique est d'y par- 
venir par le secours et I'assistance du parti episcopal, qu'il regarde comme le 
parti royal, et je ne vois pas que son dessein puisse aller a favoriser les Non- 
conformistes et les Presbiteriens, qu'il regarde comme de vrais republicains. 

Ce projet doit etre accompagne de beaucoup de prudence, et recevra de 
grandes oppositions dans la suite. Presentement on ne sait rien sur cela, 
que ce que le feu Roi d'Angleterre avoit deja resolu, c'est-a-dire, que tous 
les Catholiques sortiront des prisons, et on fera des defenses expresses a 
tous les juges de les poursuivre ny inquieter : c'est ce qui est resolu, et 
qui sera execute avec fermete. Iln'y a plus aucuns Seigneurs prisonniers 
a la Tour. 

Le bruit est fort repandu ici que le feu Roi d'Angleterre est mort Ca- 
tholique ; on en public meme beaucoup de circonstances, et sa Majeste 
Britannique ne se met pas en peine de les detruire ; son opinion est, qu'on 
le sauroit blamer d'avoir aide le Roy son frere a mourir dans la religion dont 
lui-meme fait une profession ouverte. Cependant, la memoire du feu Roi 
d'Angleterre est dechiree sur cela par les Protestans zeles, qui lui repro- 
chent, comme une tromperie, d'avoir fait une profession ouverte d'une re- 
ligion qu'il n'avoit pas dans le coeur ; quelques-uns disent, qu'il a ete 
obsede par son frere dans sa maladie, et force a se declarer Catholique Ro- 
main. Les plus factieux soutiennent qu'on voit clairement a present qu'il 
y a eu un complot de Papistes, que le feu Roi d'Angleterre en etoit, aussi 
bien que le Due d'York, et que les soupgons qu'on a eus sur cela sont 
entierement confirmes. 



APPENDIX. xxxiii 

Le corps du feu Roi d'Angleterre fut avant hier porte a Westminster, 
et enterre sans ceremonie le soir; tous les pairs et les officiersde la maison 
y etoient ; ils rompirent sur la fosse leurs batons, et les marques de leur 
charge : hier matin sa Majeste Britannique a confirme tous ceux qui pos- 
sedoient des charges dont il n'y avoit point pareilles dans la sienne lors- 
qu'il etoit Due d'York, c'est-a-dire, celles de Grand Maitre, de Grand 
Chambellan, de Tresorier de laMaison, deControUeur, de Vice Ghambellan, 
et d'autres officiers qui ont une espece de jurisdiction. Ce n'est pas la 
meme chose a I'egard des Gentilhommes de la Chambre, de Grand Ecuyer, 
et de Maitre de la Garderobe ; on croit qu'il en pourvoira ceux qui 
etoient a lui. La confirmation des officiers de la Maison est assez ap- 
prouvee du monde. Elle n'est pourtant que pour un temps, et 11 y en |i 
parmi eux, ou je me trompe, qui ne seront pas toujours conserves. 

Milord Sunderland a ete fort sensible a ce que je lui ai dit de I'ordre 
que j'avois de I'appuyer aupres du Roi son maitre, s'il en avoit besoin. 

Madame de Portsmouth est en inquietude du traitement qu'elle recevra 
ici sur ses affaires. Ce que je lui ai dit de la continuation de la protection 
de V. M. lui a donne la seule consolation qu'elle ait eue depuis la mort du 
feu Roi d'Angleterre. 

Milord Rochester a ete declare aujourdhui Grand Tresorier, et a pris le 
baton. Sa Majeste Britannique me I'avoit dit il y a deux jours, et qu'il 
donneroit, comme il a aussi fait aujourdhui, la charge de Chambellan de 
la ReJne sa femme a Milord Godolfin, le voulant conserver, aussi bien 
que Milord Sunderland, dans sa plus etroite confiance. Ils ont dresse tous 
trois ensemble I'instruction de Milord Churchil, qui est parti ce matin, lis 
m'ont dit que toute I'instruction se terminoit a remercier V. M. et a lui faire 
bien comprendre la reconnoissance du Roi leur maitre, de ce que V. M. a 
ete, de son pur mouvement, au-devant de ce qu'on pourroit lui demander. 

On avoit dit a la Cour, que les finances demeureroient entre les mains 
des commissaires, jusque a I'assemblee duparlement; maisle Roi d'An<rle- 
terre ne I'a pas juge a-propos. II y en avoit parmi eux, dont la conduite 
passee lui avoit fort deplu, et il a estime que les affaires ne se pourroient 
soutenir que par un homme accredite et autorise comme le sera Milord 
Rochester 



xxxiv APPENDIX. 

Les nouvelles d'Ecosse portent que la proclamation s'est faite a Edin- 
bourg avec un grand concours de peuple, et sans aucune difEcultc. La 
meme chose s'est passee a York, et dans toutes les villcs d'Angieterre ; on 
ne doute pas que ce ne soit la meme chose en Irlande. Enfin, il n'y a 
point d'exemples qu'une si grande succession ait ete recueillie plus paisi- 
blement, et avec moins de troubles. 

Le Roi d'Angieterre croit etre assure de tous les ports de mer, de toute 
la flotte, et de toutes les troupes. II saitbien pourtant, qu'il y en a parmi 
eux de mal-iutentionnes, et qui dans le fond du coeur souhaiteroient des 
brouilleries ; mais en meme temps ii est persuade quil ne se trouvera per- 
sonne, qui ose les commencer, et que tout le monde connoit que ce seroit 
s'exposer d'abord a une ruine certaine. 

Les Compagnies des Indes Orientales, d'Afrique, et de Hambourg, ont 
offertde payer les droits a I'ordinaire ; toutceladurera apparemmentjusque 
a I'assemblee du parlement ; c'est alors que s'll y a de la mauvaise volontc, 
et des desseins formes contre sa Majeste Britannique, ceux qui les ont 
seront plus hardis a se decouvrir, et a entreprendre quelque chose. 

Le Roi d'Angieterre m'a parle plusieurs fois sur le sujet de M. le Prince 
d'Orange. J'ai execute ce que V. M. me prescrit, et represente a sa Ma- 
jeste Britannique, combien il importe a la surete de sa personne, et au repos, 
de son etat, que M. le Prince d'Orange ne vienne point presentement en 
ce pays ici. Je n'ai oublie aucunes des clioses que j'ai cru propres adonner 
des soup^ons legitimes, et bien fondes, de ce que pent entreprendre un Prince 
heritier presomptif de la couronne, par sa femme, etque les peuples regar- 
deront comme leur liberateur, ctant de leur religion. II m'a paru que 
toutes ces considerations font grande impression sur I'esprit du Roi d'An- 
gieterre, et qu'il a de lui-meme pense les memes choses ; mais cepen- 
dant, je ne I'ai pas trouve rcsolu a refuser au Prince d'Orange la per- 
mission de venir, s'il accompagne sa demande des autres choses qui peuvent 
marquer sa soumission. L'opinion de sa Majeste Britannique est, qu'en 
I'etat ou sont les affaires en ce pays-ci, M. le Prince d'Orange ne reussira 
pas, s'il entreprend ouvertement d'y exciter des troubles. J'ai replique, 
qu'il etoit difficile de croire, que M. le Prince d'Orange changeat si tot de 
mesures, et de sentiments, et que les regies de la prudence ne permettent 



APPENDIX. XXXV 

pas, que dans le commencement d'un regne, qui n'est pas encore affermi, 
on ne prenne pas toutes les precaations imaginables pour oter aux peuples 
tout pretexte de remuer. J'ai ajoute a cela, que la liaison que sa Majeste 
Britannique pretend conserver avec V. M. et les secours qu'elleen attend, 
ne se peuvent concilier avec les desseins qu'a M. le Prince d'Orange, et 
dont il se departira fort mal-aisement. 

Ce que j'ai dit n'a pas ete conteste par le Roi d'Angleterre ; mais I'opi- 
nion qu'il a, de ne devoir temoigner aucune crainte dans le commencement, 
I'empeche de s'opposer ouvertement au voyage que le Prince d'Orange 
demandera peut-etre a faire. II y entre un peu de plaisir que sa Majeste 
Britannique prendra de voir ce Prince reduit a se soumettre. Je n'obmettrai 
aucun soin pour prevenir les inconveniens qui peuvent arriver de ce cote- 
la ; je ne puis encore rien mander a V. M. de certain sur cela, jusqu'a ce 
que Ton ait des nouvelles de ce qui se passe en Hollande, et de la maniere 
dont le Prince d'Orange se conduira. 

On ne fait ici aucune mention de M. le Due de Monmouth, non plus 
que s'il n'avoit jamais ete question de lui. On a su aujourdhui que la pro- 
clamation s'etoit faite a Dublin avec la meme tranquillite qu'en Ecosse et 
en Angleterre. 

Milord d'Aran est arrive aujourdhui ; je n'ai pas manque a lui rendre 
tons les oflices que V. M. m'a ordonne. II me paroit, par la reponse que 
m'a fait le Roi d'Angleterre, qu'il a beaucoup de lieu d'esperer d'etre un 
des gentilshommes de la chambre, c'est ce qui lui convient d'avantage pre- 
sentement. Je suis. Sec. 

BARILLON. 

Sa Majeste Britannique m'a donne ce soir une lettre de sa main pour re- 
ponse a celle que j'ay eu I'honneur de lui donner de la part de votre Ma- 
jeste. J'arrive presentement de Whitehall. Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a dit 
que les lettres de Hollande etoient arrivees, et que M. le Prince d'Orange 
envoyoit ici Overit ; qu'ils avoient ete egalement surpris, M. le Due de 
Monmouth et lui, de la nouvelle de la mort du feu Roi d'Angleterre ; 
qu'ils avoient ete en une longue conference, et que Monsieur le Due de 
Monmouth etoit parti de la Haye, sans qu'on sut oil il alloit. Sa Majeste 



xxxvl APPENDIX. 

Britannique ne croit pas, que M. le Prince d'Orange prenne le parti de lui 
demander a venir ici, et je vois bien qu'il y a moins de disposition dans 
son esprit a lui en accorderla permission, etant persuade que les intentions 
de M . le Prince d'Orange ne sont pas rectifiees a son egard. Je prendrai 
le soin que je dois de faire bien comprendre au Roi d' Angleterre de quelle 
importance il lui est, de se precautionner eontre les entreprises de M. le 
Prince d'Orange. Chidley a mande que ce Prince avoit donne quelque 
argent a M. le Due de Monmouth. 



M. Barillon au Roi, 

Mars 1, 1685. 

Ji OUT est ici dans une tranquillite enticre. Lamesse se dit publiquement 
a Whitehall, et le Roi et la Reine d' Angleterre y assistent ensemble. La 
porte de la chapelle, qui est petite, demeure ouverte, et toute I'antichambre 
est remplie de Catholiques et de Protestans. Ccs derniers se retirent a 
I'elevation, pour ne se pas mettre a genoux. II ne paroit pas jusqu'a- 
present que cela ait fait aucun effet dangereux dans les esprits des gens qui 
ont du sens, et de la raison. J'ai entendu des Protestans zeles dire, qu'il est 
juste que le Roi d' Angleterre ait I'exercice de sa religion, aussi bien que 
les deux Reines, et les ministres etrangers. Mais la populace de Londres 
est aigrie, de ce que le Roi d' Angleterre va publiquement a la messe ; et 
comme il y a dans Londres beaucoup de Presbiteriens, et de sectaires, qui 
ne sont point de I'eglise Anglicane, ils auroient voulu que le Roy d' Angle- 
terre se fut contente de ne point aller a la chapelle du feu Roi, et se fut 
comporte comme font les Non-conformistes. Sa Majeste Britannique m'a 
dit, que je verrois, que ce premier pas ne lui nuiroit point, et que se 
conduisant dans le reste avec sagesse et prudence, il n'arrivera point d'in- 
convenient d'une chose a la quelle il auroit tousjours fallu venir dans 
la suite. 

Hier Milord Clarendon fut fait Garde du Sceau Prive, et la charge de 
President du Conseil, qui vaque par la promotion de Milord Rochester 
a la charge de Grand Tresorier, fut donnee a Milord Halifax. Le Roi 
d' Angleterre m'a dit, qu'ayant conserve tous les grands ofEciers de la 



APPENDIX. xxxvii 

maison du feu Roi son frere, il avoit voulu donner encore cette marque de 
moderation, de ne pas laisser entierement sans fonction Milord Halifax ; 
qu'il le connoissoit, et ne s'y pouvoit jamais fier; qu'il ne lui donnoitaucune 
part dans le veritable secret des affaires, et que sa charge de President ne 
serviroit qu'a montrer son peu de credit. Ce Prince ajeuta a cela, que 
dans ces commencements, il croyoit etre de son interet de changer le moins 
de choses qu'il lui etoit possible, et de faire que ceux, qui lui ont ete le 
plus opposes, ne se crussent pas entierement ruines, et sans aucune espe- 
rance de se pouvoir conserver. 

Ce Prince est entre fort avant avec moi dans les raisons qui I'ont oblige 
de laisser dans leur fonction ceux qu'on sait avoir ete ses plus dangereux 
ennemis, pendant la vie du Roi son frere, II sait que cela a donne de 
I'alarme aux Catholiques en qui il a confiance, et que leur avis etoit, que 
ces charges cussent ete d'abord remplies de gens de qualite, et d'une fidelite 
eprouvee. Ceux qui ont ete toujours du parti de la Cour sont faches que 
les charges n'ayent pas ete changees ; chacun d'eux croit qu'il y auroit eu 
part. Au fonds, cela meme ne paroit pas nuisible au Roy d' Angleterre pre- 
sentement, et il lui etoit important de donner quelques marques de douceur 
dans le commencement, et d'oter au monde I'opinion qui est etablie, qu'il 
ne pardonne jamais. Le veritable motif est de ne pas desesperer des gens 
qu'il croit le pouvoir servir a rendre le Parlement plus traitable, et le dis- 
poser a lui "accorder la continuation de tout le revenu dont il s'est mis en 
possession. Quoiqu'il n'y ait point d'opposition formelle sur cette jouis- 
sance, le murmure secret est fort grand, et les Anglois croient tons leurs pri- 
vileges rompus, de ce que les droits, dont la perception doit finir par la mort 
du feu Roi, sont leves comme ils I'etoient de son vivant. Les actes du Par- 
lement, qui ont concede ces droits, sont directement contraires a ce qui se 
fait; et beaucoup de gens soutiennent qu'on les auroit plus aisement obtenus 
du Parlement si on avoit eu la consideration et la retenue de ne les lever 
que de son consentement. 

Cependant, la possession fait une espece de droit, et sa Majeste Britan- 
nique paroit fort resolue de s'y maintenir a quelque prix que ce soit, ne 
croyant pas se pouvoir maintenir sans cela. II s'est fait une chose, sur la 
meme matiere, qui n'est pas de peu de consequence. L'excise qu'on 



xxxviii APPENDIX. 

appelle additionelle (ce sont des droits augmentes sur les vins, bierres, et 
autres boissons) a ete concedee au feu Roi pour sa vie ; niais on remonstra. 
que si la ferme de ces droits etoit en incertitude, on ne pourroit trouver 
I'argent dont on avoit besoin alors ; ainsi il fut resolu, et on mit dans 
Facte du Parlement, que cette ferme seroit donnee pour trois ans, et que la 
jouissance de ces droits continueroit pour le temps qui resteroit ^ expirer 
du bail qui auroit precede la fin de la vie du Roi lors regnant. Pendant 
les derniers jours de la maladie du Roi d'Angleterre, le bail a ete renouvelle 
et I'adjudication faite la veille de sa mort. Sa Majeste Britannique pretend, 
que cela s'est fait dans les formes, et aux termes de I'actc du Parlement ; 
et ainsi il y a une publication pour continuer la jouissance de ce droit, qui 
monte par an a cinq cens mille pieces. C'est une des plus considerables 
parties de son revenu. 

Le Roi d'Angleterre a resolu de se faire couronner dans I'eglise de West- 
minster, avant I'assemblee du Parlement. 11 y a aujourdhui un comite etabli 
pour regleren quelle maniere cela se fera, et qu'elles ceremonies pourront 
etre omises, et pour mettre la conscience de sa Majeste Britannique a couvert, 
et ne pas laisser de faire les ceremonies essentielles du couronnement, qui 
est estime en Angleterre comme une chose entierement necessaire, pour 
i'etablissement de I'autorite royale, apres laquelle tout ce qui peut etre dit 
ou fait contre le Roi est repute haute trahison. On croit trouver des 
expediens pour concilier les difficultes qui se rencontrent a cause de la 
difference de religion, 

Ls Sieur Overkerque est arrive ici ; le Roi d'Angleterre m'a dit qu'il 
lui avoit apporte une lettre du Prince d'Orange con^ue en termes respec- 
tueux, et fortsoumis ; qu'il ne paroissoit pas avoir aucune intention de venir 
ici, ny songer a en demander la permission ; que (luoique dans le fonds son 
voyage ne put etre d'aucun peril n'y inconvenient, il etoit pourtant bien 
aise que cela ne fut point, ne sachant pas trop bien comment refuser une 
telle permission, sans temoigner une crainte mal fondee, et qui donneroit 
du courage a ses ennemis ; que cependant, il a connu, par ce que je lui ai 
dit, que le sentiment de V. M. n'est pas qu'il donne presentement la per- 
mission a M.le Prince d'Orange de passer en Angleterre; que sa resolution 
est prise de se conformer, en tout, a ce qui sera plus agreeable a V. M. et 



APPENDIX. xxxix 

que je puis etre assure, qu'il ne fera rien, qui ne soit entierement conforme 
a ses obligations ; qu'il espere aussi, que V. M. aura assez de confiance en 
lui pour ne pas desapprouver ce qu'il sera oblige de I'aire pour afFertnir 
son autorite, et pour le bien de ses affaires ; qu'il connoit son veritable in- 
teret, et que rieu au monde ne le fera departir de I'attachement qu'il aura, 
toute sa vie, aux interets de V. M. 

J'ai dit a ce Prince, qu'il ctoit vrai que V. M. n'estime pas qu'il soit 
convenable que M. le Prince d'Orange vienne en Angleterre dans la con- 
joncture presente ; qu'on peut juger assez par sa conduite passee, qu'il n'a 
point d'autres regies que celles de son ambition, qui va jusqu'a I'exces, 
et qui lui a fait commettre de grandes fautes ; qu'etant heritier presomptif 
de la couronne, les peuples auront les yeux sur lui, et le favoriseront a 
cause de la religion ; que cela peut mettre en grand peril sa personne et 
son etat ; et qu'il ne paroit aucune bonne raison de s'exposer, sans neces- 
site, a un danger qui ne paroit pas mediocre; qu'il importe, a la verite, 
de temoigner, dans ces commencements beaucoup de fermete, et de rien 
apprehender sans fondement, mais qu'il importe encore plus dc prendre 
toutes ses siiretes, et de ne pas exposer legerement un aussi grand etablisse- 
ment, que celui dont il se voit en possession paisible : que V. M. considere 
principalement, ce qui importe a la surete de la personne de sa Majeste 
Britannique, et de son etat ; qu'elle croit aussi qu'il lui est de grande conr 
sequence, dans ces commencements, de ne rien faire, qui puisse etre 
oppose aux liaisons qu'il veut conserver, et qu'il croit lui etre avantageuses ; 
qu'on ne sauroit douter que I'unique but de M. le Prince d'Orange ne soit 
d'affoiblir ces liaisons, et de les ruiner tout-a-fait s'il en pouvoit venir a 
bout ; et que sa Majeste Britannique ne peut trop tot, et trop fortement, 
oter a ses ennemis toute esperance de s'ebranler, et de lui faire changer 
de mesures. 

J'ai cru, Sire, devoir parler fortement sur cette matiere; car, comme 
j'ai eu I'honneur de vous le mander, le Roi d' Angleterre ne seroit pas fachc 
de voir M. le Prince d'Orange humilie et soumis. Je ne perdrai aucune 
occasion de lui representer, que la soumission, et le respect de M. le Prince 
d'Orange, ne seront pas sinceres, et qu'il n'en temoignera qu'autant qu'il 
y sera force par la necessite. Tout ce que j'appreus jusqu'a-present me fait 



xl APPENDIX. 

croire, que M. le Prince d'Orange ne songe pas lui-meme encore a venir, 
et qu'il a pris la resolution de conformer sa conduite, au moins en appa- 
rence, a ce que le Roi d'Angleterre pourroit desirer. 

Sa Majeste Britannique me dit hier que M. le Due de Monmouth avoit 
ete trouver Madame la Princesse d'Orange, et lui avoit fait des protesta- 
tions d'une fidelite et d'une soumission entiere, la suppliant instamment 
de vouloir Tassurer qu'il n'auroit point a I'avenir de sujet plus zele, et plus 
attache a son service. J'ai dit a ce Prince, que cela ne pourroit etre regarde 
que comme un artifice, ou un effet de la pure necessite ou M, le Due de 
Monmouth se trouve, de parler de cette maniere, ou de venir lui disputer la 
couronne, ce qu'il n'est pas en etatde faire; que le concert de M. le Prince 
d'Orange, et de M. le Due de Monmouth, lui doit etre fort suspect; que 
cependant, je vois avec beaucoup de joie, que ses ennemis sont forces a se 
soumettre, et que V. M. apprendra avec plaisir combien son autorite se 
fortifie au-dedans et au-dehors. 

Je pris de la occasion de parler a sa Majeste Britannique des nouvelles 
de Hollande. Je lui donnai a lire une copie de la lettre de M. d'Avaux 
du 20". ; ce Prince me dit, qu'il savoit les memes choses a-peu-pres par 
Chidley; qu'il voyoit le soin qu'on a pris de publier beaucoup defaussetes 
touchant une lettre qu'on suppose qu'il a ecrite a M. le Prince d'Orange ; 
qu'il me diroit a moi la pure verite ; que le jour de la mort du Roi son 
frere, I'ordinaire pour Hollande partoit^ qu'il avoit cru en devoir donner 
part a sa fille, sans envoyer d'expres, et qu'il avoit aussi estime, que c'auroit 
ete trop d'affectation de ne rien mander du tout a M. le Prince d'Orange, 
qu'il lui avoit ecrit deux lignes de sa main, pour lui donner simplement 
part de la nouvelle, sans y ajouter aucun autre temoignage, n'y d'amitie, 
n'y de bienveillance ; qu'il voyoit pourtant bien I'usage qu'on faisoit de ce 
billet, supposant que c'etoit une lettre remplie d'amitie et de tendresse ; 
qu'il en seroit d'avantage sur ces gardes a I'avenir pour ne rien faire qui 
put etre interprets contre ses intentions. 

Le Due d'Ormond doit revenir ici au mois de Mars, conformement a ce 
qui avoit ete resolu par le feu Roi d'Angleterre. On ne nomme point 
encore qui sera Gouverneur d'Irlande. Le Priraat, le Chancelier, et 
Milord Girenart, qui commande les troupes, auront radministration et le 



APPENDIX. xli 

frouvernement jusque a ce qu'il y ait ete pourvu, ainsi qu'il a ete pratique 
en diverses rencontres. 

Le Marquis de Grave a ecrit au Roi d'Angleterre une lettre en termes 
fort respectueux, et fort passionnes pour son service. II y mele une con- 
gratulation sur i'assemblee d'un Parlement, et sur le sujet de M. le Prince 
d'Orange ; ce qui a ete regarde de sa Majeste Britannique comme une 
marque de I'intention qu'ont les Espagnols de diriger tons leurs efforts ici 
par les Parlements, et sur la diminution de I'autorite royale. 

J'arrive de Whitehall : le Roi d'Angleterre m'a mene ce soir dans son 
cabinet, et m'a dit que le Sieur Overkerque lui avoit fait demander une 
audience particuliere un peu avant son souper ; que Taiant admis, il lui 
avoit dit, que M. le Prince d'Orange non senlement se repentoit de sa con- 
duite aupresdu feu Roi d'Angleterre, mais qu'il reconnoissoit de bonne foi 
les fautes qu'il avoit commises envers sa Majeste Britannique a present 
regnante ; qu'il fera toute ce qui sera en son pouvoir pour les reparer, et 
pour meriter ses bonnes graces par une soumission entiere a ses volontes, et 
un attachement sincere a ses interets ; et qu'il suivroit ponctuellement ce 
qui lui seroit prescrit. Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a dit, que sa reponse avoit 
ete, qu'il verroit toujours avec plaisir M. le Prince d'Orange dans son 
devoir, et temoigner un veritable repenlir du passe, mais qu'il ne pouvoit 
admettre ses soumissions, ni croire les protestations qu'on lui feroit de sa 
part sinceres, si sa soumission n'etoit entiere, et sans exception; que le feu 
Roi d'Angleterre et lui, avoient etabli une liaison avec votre Majeste, a la 
quelle M. le Prince d'Orange avoit toujours ete oppose, et que s'il vou- 
loit changer de sentimens a I'egard du dedans de I'Angleterre, il falloit 
le faire aussi a I'egard de votre Majeste, et tenir une conduite differente de 
celle qu'il a tenue depuis longtems a son egard ; que ce premier pas etoit 
d'une absolue necessite, afin qu'il put ajouter quelque foi a ce qui lui seroit 
dit de la part de M. le Prince d'Orange. 

Le Sieur Overkerque n'a rien temoigne a ce discours qu'il n'attendoit 
peut-etre pas. Sa Majeste Britannique m'a dit, que je devois des aujourdhui 
rendre compte a V. M. de ce qui s'est passe a cet egard, et I'assurer, qu'il 
ne sera fait aucune demarche que de concert avec moi, et selon que V. M. 
le jugera le plus a-propos ; que la declaration qu'il a faite a Overkerque fera 

f 



xlii APPENDIX, 

comprendre a M. le Prince d'Orange, quel chemin il doit tenir pour se 
raccommoder avec lui. J'ai dit a sa Majeste Britannique, que je rendrois 
comptedesaujourdhui a V. M. dudiscoursdcM. Overlcerque ; quejepren- 
drois cependant la liberie de lui representer, sans avoir eu le temps d'y 
songer, qu'une chose de telle consequence auroit du etre confiee a un 
homme plus mur et de plus de poids, que M. Overkerque; que peut-etre 
on lui avoit donne conseil d'aller plus avant que M. le Prince d'Orange ne 
lui avoit prescrit ; que cette soumission entiere, et cette offre si grande, 
auroit du etre exprimee dans la leltre de M. le Prince d'Orange ; que je 
croyois qu'il seroit sur ses gardes, et ne se laisseroit pas surprendre par des 
paroles de compliment qui ne sont que dans la bouche d'un envoye de M. 
le Prince d'Orange. Sa Majeste Britannique m'a dit, Ne croyez pas que 
je me laisse tromper n'y amuser. Vous voyez que j'ai voulu d'abord parler 
nettement, et oter toute esperance au Prince d'Orange que je voulusse 
seulement I'admettre a sa justification qu'il n'ait entierement change de 
sentiments et de conduite a I'egard du Roi votre maitre. 

Je serai applique, comme je le dois, apenetrerce qui se passera, pour en 
informer V. M. J'en connois la consequence. Je suis, &:c. 



M. Barillon au Roy. 

5 Mars, I685. 
J'ai regu la depeche de votre Majeste du 26*. Fevrier par le retour du 
second courier que j'avois depeche. J'ai rendu compte au Roi d'Angle- 
terre de ce que V. M. m'ordonne de lui dire sur I'assemblee du parlement, 
et sur la confiance que V. M. a, qu'il ne se laissera jamais engager a rien 
quile puisse detacher des liaisons qu'il a prises avec V. M. Ce Prince m'a 
temoign6 apprendre avec beaucoup de joie, que le projet qu'il a fait d'as- 
sembler un parlement au mois de Mai est approuve de V. M. et que les 
raisons qu'il a de le faire lui out paru solides, et bien fondees. II est 
certain, que cette declaration a beaucoup servi a calmer d'abord les esprits. 
Le nom de parlement est tellement agreable aux Anglois, qu'il peut les 
empecher de sentir aussi vivement qu'ils le feroient sans cela, le retablisse- 
ment de la messe dans Whitehall, et la profession que le Roi d' Angleterrc 



APPENDIX. xlill 

fait publiquement d'une religion, contrelaquelle les loix ontetabli des peines 
fort severes. On ne sauroit douter que les esprits ne soient fort mecon- 
tents de cet exercice public que sa Majeste Britannique a etabli sans ba- 
lancer, lis en con9oivent de grands soupgons pour I'avenii", et craignent 
que le dessein ne soit pris de ruiner la religion Protestante, et de ne 
souffrir que la Catholique. C'est un projet si difficile dans son execution, 
pour ne pas dire impossible, que les gens senses ne I'apprehendent pas ; 
mais le peuple est susceptible de toutes sortes d'impressions, et on leur 
fait croire qu'ils verront la persecution cantre les Protestants exercee avec 
autant de rigueur que du temps de la Reyne Marie, lorsque I'Angleterre 
etoit encore plus remplie de Catholiques que de Protestans. 

Le Roi d'Angleterre et ses ministres font leur possible pour dissiper 
ces craintes, et pour convaincre tous les gens raisonables, que I'intention 
de sa Majeste Britannique est de gouverner selon les loix, et de ne rien 
entreprendre contre la surete de la religion Protestante, pourvu que le 
Parlement lui accorde le revenu qui est absolument necessaire pour sou- 
tenir le gouvernement ; on presuppose aussi que le Parlement consen- 
tira que toute persecution cesse contre les Catholiques, ensorte qu'ilsf 
puissent vivre en repos, Je suis infornie, que ces questions commencent 
a etrc agitees, et Ton parle deja de ce que le Parlement fera, quand il sera 
assemble. On demeure presque d'accord de part et d'autre, que les loix 
penales contre les Catholiques seront abolies, et que Ton ne poursuivra 
plus ceux qui se contenteront de I'exercice de la religion Catholique 
dans le dedans de leur maison; on ne fait pas meme de doute que la 
seance du parlement ne soit rcndue aux Seigneurs Catholiques. 

La plus grande difficulte regarde les charges publiques de la milice et 
du gouvernement. C'est surquoi il y a de I'apparence que le parlement 
sera fort ferme. Car I'interet des principaux Protestans est, de ne pas 
laisser I'entree libre dans les charges aux Catholiques, parcequ'ils croient 
que la plus part des charges seroientbientot remplies par eux. On pourra 
bien trouver quelque temperament a cet egard. On propose deja, que 
les Catholiques puissent avoir quelques charges dans la Maison du Roi 
d'Angleterre, pourvu quece ne soit pas des charges qui aient de la juris- 
diction, ni du commandement. 

Le point le plus important, et qui recevra le plus de difficulte, sera celui 



xliv APPENDIX. 

du revenu, que le Roi d'Angleterre pretend avoir pour sa vie. Le 
Parlement, au contraire, ne le voudra accorder que pour deux ou trois 
ajns, au plus, afin d'etablir une necessite indispensable d'assembler un 
parlement de temps en temps. Sa Majeste Britannique fera tous ses 
efforts pour n'y etre point obligee; mais si cela ne se pent autrement peut- 
etre qu'a la fin le Roi d'Angleterre se conteutera d'obtenir d'abord pour 
trois ans la confirmation de son revenu, parcequ'ii croira le pouvoir eusuite 
obtenir pour sa vie, et qu'il aura le temps de se mettre en tel etat qu'on ne 
pourra plus le troubler dans une jouissance dont il sera en paisible posses- 
sion. On pourra peut-etre lui accorder quelque chose pour le retablisse- 
ment de la flotte; c'est la depense que le parlement fait le plus vclontiers, 
et qui lui donne le moins de jalousie. II n'est pas possible qu'on fasse des 
propositions dangereuses et nuisibles a la royaute; mais les plus snges 
craindront d'irriter le Roy d'Angleterre, et de lui fournir un pretexte 
d'etablir un gouvernement plus absolu, et d'obtenir par la force ce qui lui 
aura ete refuse par le parlement, au quel cas il lui seroit aise d'augmenter 
ce qu'il aura une fois etabli centre les loix. 

Il est aussi fort apparent, qu'on lui fera sous main diverses propositions 
pour le detacher peu-a-peu des interets de V. M. et I'engager dans d'autres 
liaisons; mais mon opinion n'est pas, que le Roy d'Angleterre fasse sur 
cela aucune demarche qui puisse lui faire perdre I'amitie de V. M. II 
connoit bien que c'est son plus ferme et son plus solide appui. 

Les grands efforts a cet egard ne seront pas sitot, et les cabales qui se for* 
meront sur cela n'espereront y reussir qu'avec le temps, et lorsqu'ils ver- 
ront les affaires de I'Europe dans un autre etat que celui auquel elles sont 
a-present. Cependant, il me paroit que le Roi d'Angleterre est princi- 
palement applique a ce qui regarde le parlement, et n'obmet aucun soin 
pour faire, que les merabres qui composeront la Chambre des Communes 
lui soient favorables, et ne se portent pas aux resolutions extremes qui 
ont agite les derniers parlements ; on avoit propose un moyen d'exclure 
les gens, qu'on pent soup^onner ctre mal-intentionnes, en declarant qu'au- 
cundeceux qui ont ete d'avis d'exclure M. le Due d'York de la succession 
ne pourroit etre elu, et admis a la seance du parlement; mais cet expe- 
dient n'a pas ete approuve: ce seroit rendre irreconciliable beaucoup de 
gens dont on peut attendre une meilleure conduite a I'avenir. L'intention 



APPENDIX. idT 

du Roi d'Angleterre est d'abolir autant qu'il se pouria, la iremoire de ce 
qui s'est passe sur rexclusion, d'autant plus que par un usage etabli depuis 
longtemps, il n'est pas permis de rechercher, ni de punir, aucun des mem- 
bres da parlement pour ce qu'il auroit (lit dans I'assemblee. 

Les memes raisons ont oblige le Roi d'Angleterre a confirmer les prin- 
cipaux ofiiciers de la Maison, et a ne pas chasser Milord Halifax ; cette 
moderation est fort louee a Londres, et par les Protestans zeles : on I'impute 
a Milord Rochester, qu'on croit avoir eu par la dessein de menager les 
esprits, et de donner bonne opinion de lui dans le commencement de son 
ministere. Gette premiere demarche n'est pas approuvee des Catholiques ; 
ils croient que c'est un commencement de relachement, et que si le sen- 
timent de Milord Rochester prevaut, ils se trouveront a la fin mines par 
les memes considerations qu'on a presentement de menager les gens mal- 
intentionnes contre eux et contre la royaute. lis disent que M. le Due 
d'York n'a point eu d'ennemis si dangereux que Milord Arlington ; que 
c'est lui qui a le premier inspire au feu Roi d'Angleterre les conseils timides 
qui I'ont mis a deux doits de sa ruine ; que le Comte de Danby n'a fait 
que suivre ce plan, etque le parlement n'a ete incite a la ruine des Catho- 
liques, et a entreprendre d'oter la succession a M. le Due d'York, que 
parcequ'il soutenoit ce projet, et qu'il faisoit tousjours esperer au parle- 
ment, que sa Majeste Britannique y donneroit les mains, en lui etablissant 
un revenu considerable pendant sa vie. 

Les autres oflBciers conserves, a la reserve du Due d'Ormond, ont tou- 
jours ete fort opposes au parti de M. le Due d'York. On croit qu'ils ne 
changeront de conduite qu'en apparence, et que s'ils trouvent une occasion 
de faire paroitre leur mauvaise volonte, ils ne la manqueront pas ; que ce- 
pendant ils peuvent faire beaucoup de mal en donnant courage a ceux qui 
ont creance en eux, et qui croiront bien faire de suivre les sentiments de 
gens qui occupent les charges de la cour. Le Roi d'Angleterre a pris 
cette resolution, sans beaucoup consulter les Catholiques en qui il se fie le 
plus. II m'en a parle encore depuis que Taffaire est declaree, et m'a dit, 
qu'il n'avoit pas cru devoir d'abord faire un entier changement dans la 
Maison; que ceux qui demeurent en possession deleurs charges craindront 
de les perdre, et que les autres auront esperance de les remplir ; que tout 



xlvi APPENDIX. 

cela produira un bon effet dans I'assemblee du Parlement ; et qu'il sera tou- 
jours assez temps de faire des changements quand on aura connu comment 
ceux qui sont demeures se conduiront ; qu'a I'egard de Milord Arlington, 
il y anroit eu de la durete de le dcposseder a I'age on il est, d'une charge 
dont il ne pent jouir long temps, ses affaires d'ailleurs n'etant pas en bon 
^tat ; que s'il avoit change les autres, on auroit dit qu'il renversoit tout ce 
que le Roi d'Angleterre avoit etabli, et que la resolution etoit prise de 
changer tout le reste aussi bien que la Maison. 

Sa Majeste Britannique a allegue les memes raisons aux principaux Ca- 
tholiques, pour les empeclier de paroitre aussi mecontents qu'ils le sont, 
de ce qui s'est passe a cet egard. II y a une espece de conseil etabli de 
quatre personnes entre les Catholiques en qui le Roi d'Angleterre a le 
plus de creance, et dont les avis sont de plus grands poids aupres de lui. 
Ce conseil est compose de Milord Arondel, de Milord Bellasis, des Sieurs 
Talbot et Germain. Les deux derniers ont toujours ete attaches a M. le 
Due de York, et s'attendoient de voir des changements d'abord. L'un et 
I'autre pretend un titre, et d'etre gentilhomme de la chambre. Cela 
pourra etre dans la sviite, mais je ne crois pas que ce soit avant rassemblee 
du Parlement. lis craignent que les memes raisons qui leur serventd'obstacle 
presentement, ne soient pas aisees a surmonter a I'avenir. 

Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a dit que M. d'Overkerque lui avoit encore repete 
les assurances d'une entiere soumission de la part du Prince d'Orange, et 
lui avoit offert ce qu'on appelle la carte blanche ; qu'il avoit confere sur 
cela avec Milord Rochester, Milord Sunderland, et Milord Godolfin, qui 
avoient tous trois ete d'avis de repondre d'une maniere qui put faire con- 
noitre, dans la suite, si les offres de M. le Prince d'Orange sont sinceres ; 
que pour cela il lui avoit repete plus au long ce qu'il lui avoit dit d'abord, 
sur le sujet de V. M., et lui avoit declare, qu'a moins que M. le Prince 
d'Orange ne changeat entierement de sentiments et de conduite a I'egard 
de la France, il lui seroit impossible de croire que son intention fiit, 
d'etre veritablement dans ses interets, parcequ'il n'en avoit point de plus 
considerable, que de conserver I'amitie de V. M.; qu'il etoit aussi ne- 
cessaire de renoncer a toute sorte de commerce et de liaison avec M. le 
Due de Monmouth ; et pour donner une preuve claire et certaine de son 



APPENDIX. xlvii 

changement acetegard, ileutacasser incessammentles oflSciers des troupes 
Angloises dont la fidelite etoit suspecte, et qu'on a sujet de croire attaches 
a M. le Due de Monmouth ; qu'a moins que M. le Prince d'Orange ne se re- 
solve a faire tout cela d'une maniere convenable, le Sieur Chidley ne recevra 
point d'ordre de traiter avec lui, n'y de le voir, et sa Majestc Britannique 
ne croira point que les assurances de sa soumission soient sinceres. 

Je dis au Roy d'Angleterre, que j'avois eu le temps de penser a ce qu'il 
m'avoit fait I'honneur de me dire, mais que je ne pouvois rien decider de 
mon chef; qu'il falloit attendre ce que V. M. m'ordonneroit, pour lui 
pouvoir rien dire qui flit d'aucun poids ; que cependant, je le priois de con- 
siderer s'il y avoit de I'apparence que M. le Prince d'Orange eut sitot resolu 
de changer de mesures et de conduite, ne pouvant encore savoir avec cer- 
titude combien tout est paisible en Angleterre, qu'ainsi on doit presumer, 
ou que ce que dit M. Overkerque lui est inspire ici, ou que M. le Prince 
d'Orange peut bien lui avoir donne ordre de faire toutes sortes de soumis- 
sions en cas que les affaires soient de maniere en Angleterre, qu'il n'y ait 
aucune apparence de trouble et de desordre ; que M. le Prince d'Orange 
est naturellement si opiniatre, et si peu docile, que diflficilement se 
resoudra-t-il a rien promettre que d'oppose a tout ce qu'il a fait jusques 
a-present ; que quand il le promettroit, et donneroit sur cela de fortes 
assurances, il n'y auroit guere d' apparence qu'il renoncat de bonne foi aux 
engagements qu'il a pris avec la Maison d'Autriche, et avec les autres 
Princes opposes aux interets de V. M., et jaloux de sa gloire ; que V. M., 
de son cote, ne redonneroit pas aisement ses bonnes graces a M. le Prince 
d'Orange, et qu'apres tout ce qu'il a fait, il ne doit pas esperer qu'un simple 
compliment efface le passe, et que V. M. puisse ajouter foi aisement aux 
assurances qui lui seront donnees de sa part; que V. M. ne desire rien 
d'avantage que devoir saMajeste Britannique reconnue universellement de 
ses sujets, et en jouissance paisible de sa couronne ; mais que je ne donte 
pas que les soumissions de M. le Prince d'Orange ne lui paroissent fort 
dangereuses, et qu'elle ne trouve sur-tout beaucoup d'inconveniens et de 
perilalaisser venir ici M. le Prince d'Orange, qui pourra, par sa presence, 
donner du mouvement, et de la force, aux cabales qui sont si aisees a for- 
mer en une coujoncture comme celle qui est a present. 



xlviii APPENDIX. 

Le Roi d'Angleterre rn'a repondu, qu'il ne croyoit pas que M. le Prince 
d'Orange prit le parti de demander a venir ici sitot; que s'il y venoit, et 
que sa conduite fut tant soil peu douteuse, il sauroit bien les moyens de 
le remettre dans son devoir, et rempecheroit d'exciter aucun trouble; 
que s'il se soumettoit entierement, et qu'il eut assez de sagesse pour chan- 
ger de conduite a I'egard des affaires du dedans et de celles du dehors, on 
leconnoitroit bientot; qu'il ne se laisseroit point tromper; et que son prin- 
cipal soin seroit toujours de conserver I'amitie de V- M. et de ne rien 
faire qui put en aucune fagon etre oppose a ses interets. 

Les Ministres m'ont parle dans le metne sens que sa Majeste Britannique. 
Milord Rochester est Grand Tresorier, et a le principal credit, ainsi il 
desire tout ce qui pent conserver le repos et la tranquillite, et son senti- 
ment est, que le Roi son maitrc ne hazarde rien d'eprouver quelle sera la 
conduite du Prince d'Orange a son egard, et croit qu'on doit lui ouvrir le 
chernin de rentrer dans son devoir. 11 est oncle de la Princesse d'Orange, 
et par consequent sa psnte seroit de pouvoir conciher les interets du Roi 
regnant avec celui des heritiers presomptifs. Mais comme il est bon cour- 
tisan, et qu'il connoit fort bien que le Roi son maitre prendra assez aisement 
de la jalousie et du soupgon contre ceux qui pencheront trop du cote du 
Prince d'Orange, il temoigne fort ouvertenient desirer, preferablement a 
tout, que sa Majeste Britannique menage I'aniitie de V. M., sans laquelle, 
il connoit les difFiculies qu'il y auroitde soutenir le gouvernement. 

Milord Sunderland sent bien la superiority qu'a sur lui Milord Ro- 
chester, par sa charge de Grand Tresorier. Toute son application est 
d'entrer aussi avant qu'aucun autre ministre dans tous les sentiments du 
Roi son maitre, et de conserver une part secrette dans sa confiance, en lui 
faisant connoitre qu'il ne peut avoir aucun autre attachement qu'a lui ; je 
sais qu'il a parle avec beaucoup de clialeur a sa Majeste Britannique, pour 
montrer combien M. le Prince d'Orange pouvoit nuire au bon etat oil sont 
les affaires presentement ; et qu'un heritier presomptif sera regarde en An- 
gleterre comme pouvant seul remedier aux inconveniens d'avoir un Roi 
d'une Religion opposee a celle de ses sujets. Milord Godolfin penche 
plutot du cote de Milord Sunderland, avec qui ses ancienne-s liaisons 
subsistent. II est encore fort abattu de la perte qu'il a fuite. II est admis 



APPENDIX. xllx 

dans les deliberations les plus secretes. Le Roi d'Angleterre m'en paroit 
fort content, et m'a dit qu'il lui trouve plus de fermete et de hardiesse, 
qu'il n'en attendoit. 

Cependant tout est ici dans un fort grand calme, et il ne paroit rien qui 
puisse le troubler ; mais dans le fond les esprits sont fort agites. Le 
peuple ne sauroit voir celebrer la messe dans Whitehall sans un extreme 
depit, et sans craindre que cela n'ait des suites. Les gens mal-intentionnes 
fomentent sous main ces craintes, et inspirent des soupgons, que le Roi 
d'Angleterre ne se croira point en surete qu'il n'ait entierement etabli la 
religion Catholique en Angleterre, et qu'il n'ait ote aux Protestans les 
moyens de leur nuire. II seroit fort difficile de juger, si les affaires de- 
meureront dans le calme ou elles sont ; il ne faut qu'un refus de payer les 
droits dont le Roi d'Angleterre s'est mis en possession pour former une 
contestation qui pourroit avoir des suites. L'opinion des gens les plus 
habiles est, que tout sera en repos jusques a I'assemblee du parlement, et 
quq si les affaires s'y passent doucement, il ne sera pas impossible de main- 
tenir ce pays-ci en repos. Le zele de la religion Protestante, et la crainte 
d'un gouvernement plus absolu, sont des semences de division dans les es- 
prits, qui peut eclater aux moindres occasions qui s'en presenteront. Mais 
les gens sages craignent de voir commencer les desordres; ils se sou- 
viennent;encore des malheurs des guerres civiles, et ceux qui ont a perdre ne 
se laissent pas emouvoir aisement. lis sont meme tous dans l'opinion que 
le parlement peut prendre les precautions necessaires pour empecher les 
progres de la religion Catholique. et I'augmentation du pouvoir souverain. 
Cela s'agite presentament, et Ton va etre fort occupe dans les provinces des 
elections. On pourra former quelque jugement de ce qui arrivera dans le 
parlement quand onsaura de quelles gens la Chambre des Communes sera 
composee. Je sais, que quoique la Cour prenne grand soin d'avoir des 
deputes favorables, il y aura beaucop d'endroits ou le parti des patriotes 
sera superieur, et ou Ton elira des gens dont les sentiments seront entiere- 
ment opposes a ce que la Cour desirera. 

J'aurai I'application que je dois pour savoir quelles cabales se formeront 
pour en informer V. M. J'ai pris des mesures pour lui pouvoir rendre 
compte de ce qu'il lui a plu m'ordonner par sa depcche du 20\ II 



1 APPENDIX. 

faut du temps pour cela. Jusques a-present, les places, les ports de mer, 
les troupes, et les vaisseaux paroissent etre dans les mains de gens qui sont 
fort attaches a la royaute ; mais tout cela recevroit de grands changements, 
s'il arrivoit des desordres, et que la guerre commen9at sur un pretexte de 
religion ou de changement des loix. 

Je ne vois personne qui croye que le Due de Monmouth ose seulement 
se montrer en aucun endroit. II sait assez, que le Roi d'Angleterre ne 
lui pardonneroit pas. Le pardon qu'il a obtenu du feu Roi n'est 
valable que pour I'Angleterre, ainsi son proces lui pourroit etre fait en 
Ecosse fort aisement. On pretend meme, que depuis son pardon obtenu, 
il a eu avec quelques uns des conspirateurs un commerce qui le rend 
coupable. 

L'Ambassadeur d'Espagne a demande au Roi d'Angleterre comment il 
d6siroit que M. le Due de Monmouth fut traite a Bruxelles ? Sa reponse, 
a ce que ce Prince m*a dit, a ete, que ce n'etoit pas une chose sur quoi on 
le dut consulter : que la conduite de M. le Due de Monmouth a son egard 
n'etoit ignoree de personne ; et qu'a dire la verite, il ne savoit pas quel 
dessein pouvoit avoir M. le Due de Monmouth, en demeurant si pres des 
cotes d'Angleterre dans la conjoncture presente. 

Sa Majeste Britannique m'a dit aussi, que I'Ambassadeur d'Espagne lui 
avoit parle du traite d'alliance, qui avoit ete conclu il y a quelque temps 
entre le feu Roi d'Angleterre et sa Majeste Catholique, au quel il ne 
doutoit pas que sa Majeste Britannique ne se crut obligee, en la meme 
fa^on que I'etoit le feu Roi son frere ; que sa reponse avoit ete, qu'il etoit 
fort peu instruit dans ces sortes de matieres ; que si I'Ambassadeur desiroit 
quelque eclaircissement sur cela, il pouvoit presenter un memoire, qui se- 
roit examine par ses Ministres afin de lui faire une reponse dans les formes. 
L'Ambassadeur d'Espagne a ete embarrasse de cette reponse, et a bien 
compris, que le Roi d'Angleterre ne se tient pas oblige au traite fait 
par le Roi son frere. Je lui ai dit, qu'outre que les regies ordinaires ne 
I'engageoient pas a ce traite, il se souvenoit que le feu Roi d'Angleterre s'en 
tenoit lui meme sufEsamment dsgage par le refus des Espagnols de se sou- 
mettre a son arbitrage, et par le changement des affaires depuis ce temps 
la; puis qu'ensuite d'une guerre il s'etoit fait un traite de tr^ve dans la 



APPENDIX. li 

garantie du quel le Roi d'Angleterre ne s'etoit pas trop mis en peine 
d'entrer, et que c'etoit a lui a voir ce qui lui conviendra sur cela. Le Roi 
d'Angleterre m'a dit, Je ne me tiens en aucune fagon oblige au traite qu'a 
fait le Roi mon frere avec I'Espagne, mais je me tiens fort oblige a conserver 
I'amitie et I'appui du Roi votre maitre, et je ferai mon possible poujr les 
meriter, Je suis, See 

MRILLON. 

Le Roi a M. Barillon. 

Mars 9, 1685. 

JVloNsiEUR Barillon j'ai regu votre lettre des 26 Fevr. et 1 de ce mois, 
et j'ai vu avec plaisir par la premiere, que le Roi d'Angleterre a ete aussi 
sensiblement touche que je le pouvois desirer des moyens que je vous ai 
donnes de I'assister dans ses plus pressans besoins, sans attendre qu'il m'en 
eut requis; mais quoique je crois que la declaration que vous lui en aver 
faite sans aucune reserve, ait produitde tres-bons efFets, et qu'elle ait par- 
faitement bien persuade ce Prince du solide fondement qu'il doit faire sur 
mon amitie, et combien il la doit preferer a toute autre ; neanmoins, il au- 
roit ete bon, ainsi que je vous I'ai ordonne par ma depeche du 20 Fevrier, 
d'attendre qu'il eut eu un plus pressant besoin de ce secours, y ayant 
de I'apparence, qu' a-prescnt que vous vous en etes entierement explique, 
ses ministres vous presseront de leur remettre incessamment tout ce fonds 
entre les mains. Quoi qu'il en soit, je laisse a-present a votre prudence, 
de vous conduire en cela d'une maniere qui ne puisse point deplaire au 
Roi ny diminuer I'obligation qu'il m'a, d'une preuve si essentielle de mon 
amitie. 

Pour ce qui regarde ce que vous m'aviez engage de payer au feu Roi 
d'Angleterre, comme vous avez assez reeonnu par les ordres que je vous 
ai donnes, et par les lettre s que vous m'avez ccrites, que je n'ai aceorde 
deux millions de livres que pour le premier payement, et quinze cens 
mille livres pour chacun des deux autres qui ont fini au mois d'Avril 
de I'annee derniere, il vous auroit ete facile de desabuser le Comte de Ro- 
chester, et les autres Ministres, de leur pretentions mal-fondees ; et pour 
I'avenir, comme je ne pretends pas abandonner le Roi d'Angleterre dans 



lii APPENDIX. 

ses besoins, il faut aussi esperer, que le nouveau Parlement qu'il convoque 
sera dispose a lui donner dans le commencement de son regne tous les 
mpyens qui lui sont necessaires pour soutenir sa dignite. II doit cependant 
prendre d'autant plus de confiance dans la continuation de mon amitie, que 
je vous ay mis par avance, et de mon pur mouvement, en etat de lui en 
donner des marques bien effectives. 

Le Roi d'Angleterre ne pouvoit prendre un meilleur parti pour le bien 
de son etat, et le soulagement de sa conscience, que d'entendre la messe 
publiquement, et cet acte de fermete est plus capable d'inspirer le res- 
pect et la crainte a ses sujets, que de donner de nouvelles forces aux me- 
contents ; vous avez vu par ma dernicre depeche qu'il a prevenu en cela 
mes sentiments, et queje n'aurois pas pu approuverune longue dissimula- 
tion de la religion qu'il professe. Vous lui temoignerez aussi, que j'ap- 
prens avec plaisir que son autorite s'aflfermit de jour a autre par la sou- 
mission de tous ses sujets, et que je m'assure, que sa bonne conduite dissi- 
pera toutes les cabales qui pourroient troubler le repos de son regne. 

Milord Churchil m'a parle dans le sens que vous m'avez ecrit, et j'ai or- 
donne au Marechal de Lorge de partir incessamment pour aller faire mes 
complimens de condoleance aux Roi et Reines d'Angleterre, et temoigner 
au premier la part que je prens a son beureux avenement a la couronne 
de ses ancetres : quelque murinure que puisse exciter la continuation de la 
levee des memes droits qui ont ete accordes au feu Roi d'Angleterre, il y a 
lieu de croire, quil s'appaisera par la convocation et I'assemblee du par- 
lement ; mais quelque effet qu'elle produise, le Roi d'Angleterre fait trcs- 
sagement de se conserver ce moyen de subvenir aux besoins de son etat. 
II me paroit aussi, qu'il est plus prudent de se faire couronner avant la tenue 
du Parlement, que lorsqu'il sera assemble; et je serai bien aise que vous m'in- 
formiez de toutes les difficultes qui naitront sur cette affaire, et des tempe- 
raments qui seront pris pour en sortir. 

Vous avez raison de faire connoitre au Roi d'Angleterre qu'il ne doit 
pas ajouter une entiere croyance a tout ce que le Sieur Overkerque pent 
avancer de lui-meme sous le nom du Prince d'Orange : mais quand meme 
il seroit bien autorise, le Roi d'Angleterre est trop bien informe des em- 
portements que le Prince d'Orange a fait paroitre contre lui lorsqu'il 



APPENDIX. liii 

n'etoit que Due d'York, et centre la religion qu'il professe, meme depuis 
i'avenement du dit Roi a la couronne, pourcroire, que les protestations qui 
lui seront faites de la part du Prince d'Orange soient bien sinceres ; et si le 
Ministre d'Angleterre a la Haye rend au dit Roi son maitre un compte 
fidele de tout ce qu'il a entendu, et connu par lui-meme, des sentiments 
du dit Prince d'Orange, il jugera bien que Pintention dece Prince n'est que 
de se servir, contre les interets du Roi, non seulement de la facilite qu'il 
trouvera a se remettre dans ses bonnes graces, mais aussi, des seules mar- 
ques exterieures qu'il pourra recevoir de la bienveillance du Roi ; et il ne 
pent pas plus mortifier le Prince d'Orange, et le rendre soumis, qu'en re- 
jettant avec hauteur toutes les propositions qu'il fait pour I'amuser ; et I'em- 
pechant, sur toutes choses, de passer en Angleterre. 

Continuez a m'informer exactement de tout ce qui se passe de plus 
considerable a la Cour ou vous etes, ne doutant pas que ce nouveau gou- 
vernement ne vous en fournise d'amples matieres. 



Extrait (Tune Lettre du Roi a M. Barillon. 

Mars 16, 1685. 
Il y a bien de I'apparence que le Roi d'Angleterre faisant a-present une 
profession si publique de la religion Catholique demandera bientot au 
Pape des eveques de sa communion ; et comme il ne faut pas douter que sa 
Saintete ne les choisisse du clerge d'Angleterre, parmilesquels je suis averti 
qu'il y a bien des gens qui sontimbus de la doctrine de Jansenisme,je serai 
aise que vous fassiez connoitre adroitement au Roi I'interet qu'il a de les 
bien discerner, ensorte que si le bon exemple qu'il donne a tons ses sujets 
est aussi suivi qu'il est a desirer, ce royaume, sortant d'une heresie, ne tombe 
pas dans un autre qui ne seroit gueres moins dangereuse. 



M, Barillon au Roi. 

16 Avril, 1685. 

J'ai execute avec le plus de ponctualite qu'il m'a etc possible, les ordres 
d-e voire Mdjeste porieb par sa depechedu 6 Avril. J'ai tache defairecora- 



liv APPENDIX. 

prendre au Roi d'Angleterre et a ses Ministres, que votre Majeste lui avoit 
deja donne des marques essentielles de son amitie, en prevenant meme 
ses demandes ; que V. M. continueroit a le secourir dans ses besoins ; et 
que son dessein etoit de faire plus qu'elle ne promettroit ; que cependant 
V. M. estimoit qu'il suffisoit de sa part d'executer plutot que de promettre ; 
et que sans aucun engagement, elle m'avoit envoye le fonds d'une somm^ 
considerable. Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a temoigne etre fort sensible a ce 
que V. M. fait pour lui ; mais il m'a dit que I'etat de ses aflfaires e^.oit tel 
qu'il avoit des mesures a prendre de loin, et qu'il ne pouvoit entreprendre 
ce qu'il a resolu, sans etre assure positivement de ce que V. M. voudra faire 
en sa faveur ; que V. M. connoitra par sa conduite a I'avenir quel sera 
son attachement a ses intercts ; qu'il sera toujours au pouvoir de V. M. de 
retracter ce qu'elle auroit promis s'il ne se conduisoit pas en la maniere que 
V. M. peutdesirer; que puisque V. M. veut bien le secourir, ce sera une 
nouvelle obligation de lui vouloir mettre I'esprit en repos en lui promettant 
ce qu'il demande ; parce que I'incertitiide sur cela ne lui permettroit pas 
d'agir avec la fermete necessaire, et qu'une conduite douteuse et incertaine 
de sa part rendroit ses ennemis plus hardis, et ses amis plus timides. 

Cette reppnse m'a fait entrer plus avant en matiere avec ce Prince. Je lui 
ai explique ce qui s'etoit passe avec le feu Roi d'Angleterre ; je lui ai fait 
remarquer, que le traite, quoiqu'il n'eut ete que verbal, a ete execute et 
accompli ponctuellement de part et d'autre ; que V. M. a acheve le paie- 
ment de ce qui avoit ete promis ; et que le feu Roi d'Angleterre s'etoit aussi 
tenu exactement ^ I'engagement qu'il avoit pris de favoriser les pretentions 
de V. M. contre I'Espagne, et de ne point assembler de parlement ; que prc- 
sentement V. M. ne demandoit rien de sa Majeste Britannique, qui lui put 
causer le moindre embarras, n'ayant rien plus a copur que raffermissement 
de la paix generate ; que cependant son dessein etoit de lui donner des 
marques essentielles de son amitie, et de I'aider a maintenir son autorite, 
et a etablir la religion Catholique, que ces deux choses paroissoient unies, 
et ne se pouvoient separer ; que V. M. avoit resolu d'y contribuer par un 
motif d'amitie et d'estime pour la personne de sa Majeste Britannique, et 
par le zele qu'elle a pour la religion ; que quoi qu'il n'y ait point de stipu- 
lation expresse, V. M. sera suffisamment engagee par ce qu'elle a faitd'abord, 



APPENDIX. W 

i continuer k I'avenir ce qui est si bien commence ; qu'ainsi on pent tenir 
pour assure, que V. M. ne se dementira pas, et voudra soutenir ce qu'elle 
cntreprend sur des fondements qui ne changeront pas. 

Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a repondu a cela, qu'il n'etoit pas en droit d'exi- 
ger de V. M. plus qu'elle ne croit devoir faire. Mais qu'il a agi franche- 
ment avec moi en representant ses besoins, et que la demande qu'il a faite 
presuppose toute sorte d'engagemens de sa part, et une volonte determinee 
d'etre entierement attache a V- M.; qu'ainsi V. M. n'a qu'a lui prescrire 
ce qui conviendra a ses interets, pour lui faire prendre la conduite qui lui 
sera la plus agreable ; que quand V. M. sera informce a fonds des affaires 
de ce pays-ci, elle connoitra qu'il est decisif de bien commencer, et de le 
mettre en «tat de ne pas se relacher d'abord ; qu'on ne pent pourtant pren- 
dre une conduite ferme et haute, si on n'est bien assure d'un secours qui ne 
puisse manquer ; et qu'il ne seroit plus saison de negocier sur le plus ou 
le moins quand le temps de s'en servir seroit venu. 

J'ai dit a ce Prince, qu'il voyoit que V. M. commence par I'execution, 
et qu'ainsi il n'est pas si essentiel de s'arreter a la forme et a la maniere de 
promettre; qu'il est necessaire seulement que les affaires prennent ici un bon 
chemin, et que dans la suite V. M. ne manquera pas d'aider les premiers 
progres, et de faciliter le succes des desseins de sa Majeste Britannique en 
faveur de la royaute, et de la religion Catholique. 

J'ai eu plusieurs conferences avec les Ministres, ensemble et separement ; 
ils m'ont repondu fort froidement lorsque je leur ai parle ensemble ; Milord 
Rochester, qui porte la parole, m'a repondu, qu'ils avoient deja su ce que 
j'avois dit au Roi leur maitre, et que leur sentiment ne pouvoit etre diffe- 
rent du sien ; que la necessite de ses affaires I'obligeoit a avoir recours a 
V. M.; qu'il etoit question presentement d'etablir son autorite, et de don- 
ner une forme assuree au gouvernement ; que je connoissois assez combien 
il importe d'etre en etat ici de donner la loi, et non pas de la recevoir ; que 
c'est a moi a le represcnter a V. M., et que pour eux, ils se sont acquittes 
de leur devoir, en exposani siocerement les besoins de leur maitre a unami 
qui pent y remedier, s'il le trouve a-propos. 

Je lui ai repondu ce que j'avois deja dit au Roi d'Angleterre. J'ai en- 
tretenu Milord Rochester en particulier, et nous avons agite les matieres ^ 



Ivi APPENDIX. 

fonds ; je me suis renferme a dire, que V. M. execute au lieu de promettr^, 
qu'on voit par la ce qu'on en peut attendre ; qu'il est inusite de pretendre 
que V. M. prenne des engagements pour fournir des subsides pendant plu- 
sieurs annees, quand sa Majeste Britannique, de son cote, n'est oblige a 
rien ; qu'il est vrai que V. M. n'a rien a luidemander presentement ; qu'- 
aussi croit-elle etre en droit de lui donner des marques de son amitie sans 
qu'on exige rien d'avantage que ce qu'elle croira devoir faire selon les con- 
jonctures qui se pr^senteront ; que Ton ne peut douter que V. M. ne veuille 
continuer comme elle a commence, et qu'on se doit reposer sur sa bonne 
foi et sur son amitie. 

Milord Rochester m'a dit a cela, que s'il ne connoissoit a fonds les des- 
seins et les intentions du Roi son maitre, il ne m'auroit pas presse de faire 
ensorte que V. M. lui fournit d'abord une somme considerable, et lui pro- 
mit un subside pour trois ans ; que ce qu'on fait de la part de V. M. pre- 
sentement doit etre considere comme une marque d'amitie, et qu'on s'en 
accommoderoit ici mieux que d'un plus grand engagement, si on n'avoit pas 
resolu de s'unir etroitement avec V. M., et de ne se pas dementir dans la 
suite ; que si Ton n'etoit pas de bonne foi, et qu'on ne regardat pas I'amitie 
de V. M. comme le fondement de la conduite qu'on veut tenir ; on se con- 
tenteroit d'une liaison presente : et que le Roi son maitre, apres s'etre 
etabli, consideroit quel parti il a a prendre ; et que, sans manquer aux obli- 
gations qu'il avoit a V. M., il se trouveroit alors en etat de former un plan 
de sa conduite, tel qu'il croiroit le plus convenable a ses interets; que des- 
a-present il veut prendre un chemin qui dure autant que son regne, et s'at- 
lacher pour toujours; que Ton a vu que la liaison formee entre V. M. et 
le feu Roi d'Angleterre a produit de bons effets pour I'un et pour I'autre, 
que la meme chose arrivera, si on s'entend bien d'abord, et qu'on commence 
de la part de V. M. a mettre le Roi d'Angleterre en pouvoir de suivre son 
inclination, et ses veritables interets. 

J'ai repondu a ce Ministre, que le traite fait avec le feu Roi d'Angleterre 
avoit ete accompli exactement de part et d'autre ; qu'il contenoit des con- 
ditions et des avantages reciproques, que Ton ne pouvoit pas dire la meme 
chose de ce qui se traite a-present, V. M. n'ayant rien a souhaiter du Roi 
d'Angleterre, et voulant pourtant contribuer gratuitement a I'etablii-, et a, 



APPENDIX. l^H 

lemettre en etat de regner paisiblement, et avee tranquillite. Milord Ro- 
chester m'a replique a cela, que le traite que nous avions fait ne contenoit 
point de conditions reciproques ; que le feu Roi ne s'etoit point engage a 
ne point assembler de Parlement, ni a renoncer formellement a son traite 
avec I'Espagne ; que V. M. avoit bien connu que dans le fondselle tireroit 
les memes a vantages, et que le feu Roi d'Angleterre avoit aussi ete fortifie 
dans ses resolutions par le secours que V. M. lui avoit fourni, et s'etoit 
meme dispense d'assembler son parlement, et de defendre I'Espagne lors- 
qu'il en a ete le plus presse ; que le meme cas arrivera, et que quoique 
V. M. n'exige rien du Roi son maitre, il ne pent prendre le parti de s'at- 
tacher a V. M. sans renoncer aux avantages qu'il pourroit tirer du Parle- 
ment dans d'autres temps, et a tout engagement avec I'Espagne; qu'il sera 
question, des que le Parlement sera assemble, d'obtenir la continuation des 
revenus, mais qu'apres cela, il n'en faut rien attendre que des conditions 
dures et perilleuses, aux quelles le Roi son maitre ne consentira jamais ; 
qu'ainsi on subsisteracomme on faisoit du temps du feu Roi, et avec moins 
de menagement encore pour les Espagnols, n'ayant point de traite avec 
eux, comme il y en avoit un dont on pressoit toujours I'execution. J'ai dit 
a cela, qu'il n'etoit pas question presentement d'examiner a quelles condi- 
tions nous avions traite du temps du feu Roi, puisquele traite avoit ete exe- 
cute et accompli de bonne foi de part et d'autre ; que la conjoncture etoit 
entierement differente, et que V. M. n'attendoit rien de sa Majeste Britan- 
nique, et n'avoit pour but que de lui donner des marques solides de son 
amitie. J'ai remarque, dans tout ce qui s'est passe entre Milord Rochester et 
moi, qu'il n'est point entre dans la proposition d'un nouveau traite, et il 
m'a paru au contraire eviter d'entendre ce que je lui ai dit sur cela. II s'est 
toujours renferme a dire, qu'il faut faire ce qu'on a fait, parce qu'on s'en 
est bien trouve de part et d'autre. 

Milord Sunderland a compris d'abord qu'il etoit bien plus a-propos de 
prendre des engagemens formels et reciproques ; que le Roy son maitre 
doit rechercher tout ce qui lui peut assurer I'amitie de votre Majeste. II 
pose pour un fondement assure, que le Parlement, le Prince d'Orange, et la 
Maison d'Autriche doivent etre consideres comme ayant des interets inse- 
parables, et qu'il est impossible de desunir ; qu'ainsi pour etre bien avec 

h 



Iviii APPENDIX. 

votre Majeste, il faut non seulement s'abstenir de toute liaison avec eux, 
mais meme s'en separer avec eclat, et lever le masque quand il en sera 
terns ; c'est-a-dire, apres que le Parlement aura accorde les revenus. Je 
suis demeure dans une grande retenue sur les nouveaux engagemens qu'- 
on pourroit prendre; je me suis contente d'insinuer la proposition que 
votre Majeste m'a ordonne de faire a cet egard, et j'ai cru devoir la faire 
naitre plus comme une suite naturelle de ce qui se traitoit, que comme 
une ouverture de la part de votre Majeste. Milord Godolfin m'a parle dans 
le meme sens que Milord Rochester ; quoiqu'il soit du secret, il n'a pas 
grand credit, et songe seulement a se conserver par une conduite sage et 
moderee. Je ne pense pas que s'il en etoit cru, on prit des liaisons avec 
votre Majeste qui pussent aller a se passer entierement de parlement, et a 
rompre nettement avec le Prince d'Orange. 

J'eus hier au soir un long entretien avec le Roi d'Angleterre ; nous re- 
petames tout ce qui avoit ete dit avec les Ministres, dont iis lui avoient 
rendu compte. Je connus bien que Milord Sunderland lui avoit parle a 
fond, de ce que nous avions dit, et lui avoit represente la necessite de ne 
rien menager, pour former une liaison entiere avec V. M. Ce Prince me 
dit, que je savois mieux ses intentions et ses desseins que ses propres mi- 
nistres ; qu'il ne s'etoit pas ouvert a eux autant qu'il a fait a moi sur I'e- 
tablissement de la religion Catholique; qu'avant la seance du Parlement il 
falloit cacher ses desseins et ne pas laisser penetrer jusqu'ou il vouloit con- 
duire les affaires ; qu'au fond il connoissoit que sa surete dependoit d'une 
etroite union avec V. M. et de mettre la religion Catholique en etat de ne 
pouvoir etre detruite ; que son dessein est d'en venir a bout des qu'il le 
pourra; que cependant, je dois representer a V. M. combien il lui importe 
d'etre assiste dans un si grand dessein ; que ses premieres demarches avec 
le Parlement serontdecisives ; que ceux qui ie voudront traverser n'oublie- 
ront rien pour I'empecher de reussir ; que V. M. connoitra peut-etre trop 
tard, ce qu'il auroit fallu faire, et que ce qui sera necessaire presentement 
estbeaucoup moindre que ce que V. M. voudroit contribuer a I'avenir si 
elle voyoit la royaute, et la religion Catholique, en etat d'etre ruinees en 
Angleterre. 

J'ai dit k ce Prince qu'il voyoit quelles sont les intentions de V. M. a 



APPENDIX. lix 

son egard, que je pouvois tons les jours I'avertir de ce qui se passe ici, et 
qu'il ne falloit pas douter que V. M. ne prit les resolutions qui convien- 
dront a I'etat des affaires ; que votre amitie pour sa personne, et votre zele 
pour la religion, ne vous permettroientpas de I'abandonner dans ses besoinS ; 
que la conduite que V. M. tient a son egard seroit sontenue, et ne se de- 
mentira pas ; qu'aussi de son cote, il doit ctre applique a menager une 
amitie qu'il juge lui etre si avantageuse. Sa Majeste Britannique me dit, 
en me congediant, " Je me fie entierement a ce que vous me dites ; mais 
representez au Roi votre maitre, que ce qu'il fera presentement me mettra 
Fesprit en repos, et m'obligera d'agir avec une fermete et une confiance que 
je ne puis avoir si je ne suis pleinement assure." 

De tout ce qui m'a ete dit par le Roi d' Angleterre, et par ses Ministres, 
il me paroit que Ton n'insiste pas tant presentement sur la promesse d'un 
secours a Tavenir, que sur une somme presente. J'ai dit, ainsi que V. M. 
me I'a permis, que j'aurois incessarament un fonds de neuf cens mille 
livres ; mais, si V. M. ne me permet pas de rien fournir de cette somme, 
c'est comme s'il n'y en avoit point ; on ne croira pas meme qu'elle y soit, si 
on voitqueje ne fasse pas les payements quand ils me seront demandes. 

Le Roi d' Angleterre seroit, a ce que je puis juger, pleinement content 
si V. M. prenoit la resolution de faire remettre encore onze cens mille 
livres ici, avant la seance du parlement, ensorte qu'il put faire etat de 
toucher deux millions pendant que le parlement sera assemble. Cela 
pourroit dans la suite etre repute comme une annee d'un subside, et si on 
convenoit d'en accorder un pour les annees suivantes, on pourroit ne les 
faire commencer que du mois d'Octobre prochain, et peut-etre meme du 
mois de Janvier 1686. V. M. m'ordonnera ce qui sera de son service. Je 
nie tiendrai en etat d'executer ses ordres a la lettre, sans rien faire de mon 
chef, que ce qui me sera present. 

Les Ambassadeurs de Hollande ont eu une audience particuliere, et 
sans ceremonie; la difEculte subsiste toujours a I'egard de leur entree et 
de leur audience publique ; ils veulent avoir un Comte d' Angleterre, 
comme a eu I'Ambassadeur de Savoye, il n'y a pas d'apparence qu'ils 
Tobtiennent, et le Roi d'Angleterre paroit resolu de ne rien changer au 
traitement ordinaire a leur egard. 



Ix APPENDIX. 

La sante de la Reine d'Angleterre n'est pas en bon etat ; les personnes 
qui I'approchent de plus pres croient qu'elle ne vivra pas long temps ; 
son mal est une espece de fluxion sur la poitrine avec des coliques violentes 
qui la reprennent souvent ; elle se croit elle-meme en peril, 
Je suis, 8cc. 

BARILLON. 



Le Roi a M. Barillon. 

24 Avril, 1685. 
JVloNsiEUR Barillon, j'ai regu vos lettres des 16 et 19 de ce mois, et 
quoique je me fusse attendu que le Roi d'Angleterre auroit ete fort content 
des grands secours d'argent que je vous fais remetlre incessamment pour sub- 
venir, sans aucune stipulation, a ses phis pressants besoins, au cas que I'as- 
semblee prochaine du Parlement ne lui accorde pas ce qu'il desire, tant pour 
I'etablissement des memes revenus pendant sa vie dont le feu Roi son frere 
a joui jusque a sa mort, que pour le libre exercice de la religion Gatholique 
dans son royaume, neanmoins ce Prince vous a fait connoitre, que s'il 
n'etoit pas assure de ma part d'une assistance plus considerable il se ver- 
roit dans la necessite d' avoir des menagements pour le Parlement, qui se- 
roientfort prejudiciables a I'affermissement de I'autorite royale, et par con- 
sequent au bien de la religion Gatholique ; raais quoiqu'il ait d'autant plus 
de sujet de prendre une entiere confiance aux sentiments d'estime etd'ami- 
tie que j'ai pour lui, qu'il voye bien que j'apporte toutes les diligences 
possibles a lui en faire ressentir les eJflfets, sans lui demander aucuns autres 
engagements dans mesinterets que ceux que sa gratitude et sa bonne foi le 
pourroit porter a prendre quand les occasions s'en presenterout, je veux 
bien toutes fois lui donner encore de plus grandes preuves de la considera- 
tion que je fais sur tout ce qu'il vous a represente, et de la sincerite avec 
laquelle je veux concourir a tout ce qui pent etre de ses avantages : c'est 
pour cet effet qu'outre les cinq cens mille livres que ja vous fis remettre aus- 
sitot que j'appris la mortdu feu Roi, et que vous devez avoir encore entre 
les mains, on continuera a vous faire tenir incessamment les neuf cens mille 
livres que je vous ai prorais par ma depeche du 6% et je ferai joindre en- 



APPENDIX. Ixi 

core une somme de deux cens mille ecus, afin que vous pulssiez avoir en 
main pendant I'assemblee du Parlement jusqu'a la concurrence de deux mil- 
lions ; mais comme j'apprens avec plaisir que presque tons les membres du 
Parlement sont tres-bien intentionnes pour les interets du Roi, et qu'a- peine 
en connoit on cinq ou six, qui y soient opposes, il y a bien de Tapparence 
que ce Prince n' aura pas besoin d'un grand fonds, pour se rendre favorables 
les deliberations dudit Parlement, etqu'en toutcas il se contenlera de faire 
esperer des recompenses a ceux qui feront bien leur devoir : je consens nean- 
moins, que vous fassiez payer jusqu' a quatre cens mille livres, pourfournir 
aux gratifications que le Roi jugera a-propos de faire pendant cette assem- 
blee ; et a I'egard des seize cens jnille livres restans, vous ne vous en desaisirez 
qu'en cas que la conduite du Parlement soit assez mauvaisepour obligerle 
Roi k le casser, ou qu'il trouve d'ailleurs de si fortes oppositions a I'eta- 
blissement. d'un libre exercice de la religion Catholique, qu'il soit oblige 
d'employer ses armes contre ses propres sujets. 

Enfin, mon intention est de le secourir de bonne foi, au cas qu'il en ait 
efFectivement besoin, pour I'afFermissement de son autorite, et pour le bien 
de notre religion ; mais, si son Parlement se porte de lui-meme a faire ce 
que le Roi desire, mon intention est que vous reserviez le fonds que je vous 
fais remettre, jusqu' a ce qu'il me paroisse d'une necessite pressante de I'em - 
ployer ; et cependant, je consens, ainsi queje viens de vous dire, que vous 
fassiez payer aux Ministres du Roi, avant la tenue du Parlement, jusqu'a 
la somme de quatre cens mille livres, au cas que le dit Roi les demande. Je 
m'assure qu'apres que vous aurez fait connoitre a ce Prince quelles sont mes 
dernieres intentions, je n'aurai plus de sa part que des remerciments des 
efforts que je fais pour procurer ses avantages ; mais si, contre mon opi- 
nion, on vouloit encore faire quelques tentatives pour tirer de moi de plus 
grands secours, il est bon que vous otiez toute esperance de I'obtenir, 
et que vous fassiez meme connoitre, que j'apprendrois avec deplaisir 
que le Roi ne fut pas content des grandes preuves que je lui donne de mon 
amitie. 

II vous sera facile de tirer leRoi d'Angleterre de I'inquietude que lui 
donne la declaration que le Marquis de Feuquieres a fait par mon ordre au 
Roi d'Espagne, et a ses ministres, et je vous depeche ce courier expres afin 



Ixii APPENDIX. 

que vous puissie:& informer le Roi d'Angleterre, sans aucun retardement, 
que je suis d'autantplus satisfait de la reponse du dit Roi Catholique, qu'ou- 
tre qu'il traite la proposition de ceder au Due de Baviere les Pays Bas, ou 
de lui en abandonner le gouvernement, de pure chimere, il me donne 
d'ailleurs des assurances positives d'observer religieusement la treve, et de 
se conformer en toutes choses a ce qu'elle contient ; ensorte que je n'ai pas 
lieu de croire, que ce Prince veuille apporter aucun changement a i'etat pre- 
sent des Pays Bas : et comme je n'ai point eu d'autre intention aussi que de 
prevenir, par cet eclaircissement, tout ce qui pouvoit troubler le repos de 
I'Europe, vous pouvez assurer le Roi d'Angleterre, que j'apporterai lou- 
jours les mcmes soins a le maintenir, et que tant que le Roi Catholique vou- 
dra concourir de sa part, et rejetter de semblables nouveautes si contraires 
a la treve, la tranquillite publique ne pourra etre alteree. 



M. Barillon au Roy. 

30 Avril, I685. 
I'ai re^u la depeche de votre Majeste du 24 Avril par un courier expres. 
J'allai aussitot apres trouver le Roi d'Angleterre pour I'inforraerde la re- 
ponse faite a M. de Feuquieres par sa Majeste Catholique. On ne sauroit 
temoigner plus de joye que ce Prince en fit paroitre d'une nouvelle qui le 
tire d'une grande inquietude, et lui met I'esprit en repos. Ce n'etoit pas 
sans fondement qu'il craignoit qu'une rupture entre V. M. et le Roi d'Es- 
pagne ne rendit le Parlement plus difficile qu'il ne le sera, quand tout 
paroitra calme au-dehors. Sa Majeste Britannique me chargea de remer- 
cier V. M. du soin qu'elle avoit eu de Ten avertir par un courier expres, 
et me temoigna que sa joie se redouble toutes les fois qu'il recoit des mar- 
ques de I'amitie de V. M. 

Les Ministres ont appris aussi avec beaucoup de plaisir le succes de la 
proposition de M. de Feuquieres. Milord Rochester est encore plus sen- 
sible que les autres a tout ce qui pent entretenir la paix au-dehors ; il m'a 
ete aise de faire voir que I'intention de V. M. etoit seulement de prevenir 
ce qui auroit pu alterer le repos dont I'Europe jouit, puisquela reponse qui 



APPENDIX. Ixiil 

a ete faite a Madrid, met ses affaires dans un etat de calrae et de tranquillite 
qui, selon les apparences, doit durer. 

Le Roi d'Angleterre m'en a parle encore ce matin, avec beaucoup de satis- 
faction, et se croit delivre d'un fort grand embarras, ou il croyoit devoir 
etre expose, si le Parlement avoit ete assemble quand la guerre auroit com- 
mence entre V. M. et I'Espagne. II me paroit que votre Majeste tire quelque 
avaritage de ce qui a ete agite sur cette rnatiere, en ce qu'on s'accoutume 
a entendre parler du droit de Monseigneur le Dauphin a la couronne 
d'Espagne, sans qu'il paroisse qu'on prenne une trop forte alarme de voir 
tant de royaumes danS la possibilite d'etre reunis a la couronne de France. 
II semble du moins que Ton reconnoisse que si sa Majeste Catholique 
mouroit sans enfans, le droit de Monseigneur le Dauphin, et de ses de- 
scendansjseroit beaucoup meilleur que de ceux qui n'y pourroient pretendre 
qu'en vertu d'une renonciation remplie de nullites. Je n'ai parle de tout 
cela que fort superficiellement comme d'une chose eloignee, mais je n'ai 
pas cru aussi devoir supprimer ce que V. M. alleguoit pour la principale 
raison de ce qu'elle avoit dessein de faire pour empecher que I'Electeur 
de Baviere, et I'Archiduchesse fussent mis en possession des Pays Bas. 

II s'est passe une chose dans le dedans de la cour, qui n'est pas de peu 
de consequence. Le Roi d'Angleterre ayant resolu d'aller a la chapelle, 
accompagne comme I'etoit le feu Roi, en parla la veille a Milord Roches- 
ter, Milord Sunderland, et Milord Godolfin. II leur dit, qu'ayant fait la 
demarche d'aller ouvertement a la messe, il croyoit y devoir aller avec la 
dignite requise, et accompagne de ses gardes, et de ses principaux officiers ; 
qu'ils pourroient demeurer a la porte de la chapelle, et I'y attendre, ou y 
revenir apres, dans le temps qu'il en devroit sortir. Milord Sunderland ne 
fit point de difficulte, ni Milord Godolfin, qui est accoutume, comme Cham- 
bellan de la Reyne, de lui donner la main jusqu'a la porte ; mais Milord 
Rochester combattit avec vehemence la resolution que sa Majeste Britan- 
nique temoignoit avoir prise, et apres avoir allegue inutilement les raisons 
dont il se put aviser, il declara nettement qu'a moins que le Roi d'Angle- 
terre lui commandat expressement de I'accompagner jusqu'a la porte de la 
chapelle, il ne le feroit pas. Sa Majeste Britannique lui dit, que son inten- 
tion n'etoit pas de contraindre personne, ni de lui commander de faire une 



Jxiv APPENDIX. 

chose a laquelle il paroissoit avoir tant de repugnance ; que son scrupule 
paroissoit mal-fonde, et que ce ne devoit pas etre une excuse pour une chose 
qui seroit mal en soi de la faire commander ; qu'il etoit en liberie de le 
faire, ou de ne le faire pas. La contestation alia assez avant ; le Roi d' An- 
gleterre ne se rendit pas, et ne voulut pas commander a Milord Rochester 
de I'accompagner ; Milord Rochester persista a ne le pas faire sans ordre, 
et prit I'expedient que lui proposa sa Majeste Britannique d'aller des le 
meme jour a une maison de campagne ou il devoit aller le lendemain. Mi- 
lord Sunderland et Milord Godolfin, comme habiles courtisans, presserent 
Milord Rochester d'avoir cette complaisance pour le Roi, et ne purent rien 
gagner sur son esprit. V. M. jugera par cet incident quelles oppositions le 
Roi d'Angleterre pourra trouver dans la suite a ce qu'il voudra entrepren- 
dre en faveur de la religion Catholique. 

Ce detail est fort secret :il est pourtant assez vraisemblable, que Milord 
Rochester s'en voudra CaWfeionneur aupres des Protestans zeles, et croira 
s'autoriser parmi eux sans qu'il pense en cela hazarder sa faveur, ni son 
emploi. 11 essayera de faire croire au Roi d'Angleterre, que ce qu'il en 
a fait est pour le service et pour le bien de ses ;iffaires ; qu'il est perilleux 
de se trop declarer, et trop tot ; que quoiqu'il puisse arriver, il ne peut 
avoir d'autres interets que les siens ; niais il a affaire a un Prince fort ferme, 
et qui souffre tres-impatiemnient la moindre contradiction. 

II etoit hierici lejourdePaques; les chevaliers de rordreaccompagnerent 
le Roi d'Angleterre avec leurs colliers jusqu'a la porte de la tribune ou 
il entend la messe. Le Due de Sommerset portoit I'epee ; il est deineure 
a la porte, la cOutume n'etant pas que celui qui porte celte epee entre dans 
I'eglise, si ce n'est lorsque le Roi communie. Les Dues de Nordfolk, de Graf- 
ton, de Richemond, et de Northumberland, les Comtes d'Oxford, de 
Mulgraf, et plusieurs autres Seigneurs, accompagnerent sa Majeste Britan- 
nique en allant et en revenant. On a remarque que le Due d'Ormond et 
le Marquis d'Halifax sont demeures dans I'antichambre. Milord Roches- 
ter ne revint qu'hier au soir de la campagne. Cette resolution que le Roi 
d'Angleterre a prise d'aller a I'eglise avec ses officiers et ses gardes cause 
autant de bruit, et fait faire plus de reflexions, que I'on n'en a fait, lors- 
qu'il alia publiquement a la messe. 



APPENDIX. Ixr 

Les Ambassadeurs d'HoUande n'ont fait aucune plalnte de ce qui leur 
est arrive a Gravesend. M. d' Avaux m*a mande que le Pensionnaire Fagel 
leur a fait ordonner par les comtnissaires aux affaires etrangeres, de ne tc- 
moigner aucun ressentiment, et de dissimuler ce qui s'est passe. lis n'ont 
eu qu'un Milord pour aller au-devant d'eux le jour de leur entree ; ce fut 
Milord Tenay, Catholique, et gendre du feu Vicomte Montaigne: cela 
meme a fait parler, et Ton a trouve etrange que le Roi d'Angleterre ait 
affecte d'employer un Milord Catholique a la premiere entree qui ait etc 
faite depuis son regne, et de I'envoyer aux Ambassadeurs d'HoUande. lis 
ont eu audience aujourdhul de leurs Majestes Britanniques a Whitehall ; 
Milord Nort les y a conduit. 

J'ai dit au Roi d'Angleterre ce que V. M. m'a permis touchant les 
sommes qui doivent passer ici incessamment. Je lui ai fait remarquer avec 
combien d'application V. M. va au-devant de ses besoins, et les preuves 
essentielles qu'elle lui donne de son amitie. Ce Prince m'a temoigne etre 
fort sensible a ce que V. M. fait en sa faveur. J'espere bien empecher que 
V. M. ne soit pressee de long temps d'envoyer de nouveaux fonds, pourvu 
que V. M. me permette de me servir de ceux qui seront ici. Je ne me suis 
point declare au Roi d'Angleterre, ni a ses Ministres, que V. M. m'ait 
donne la permission de ne fournir que jusqu'a quatre cens mille livres sur 
les deux millions dont on peut faire etat : cette declaration, si je la faisois, 
oteroit tout le merite de ce que V. M. fait presentement en faveur du Roi 
d'Angleterre, et donneroit occasion ici de croire que I'intention de V. M. 
est seulement de I'aider en cas qu'il soit expose a une revolte. On ne s'at- 
tend pas que ce soit la le fondement du secours que V. M. veut bien ac- 
corder. Sa Majeste Britannique et ses Ministres ne font aucun doute que 
V. M. ne veuille bien payer ce qui restoit du de I'ancien subside lorsque 
le feu Roi d'Angleterre est mort. La somme de cinq cens mille livres, 
que V. M, a envoyee incontinent apres, sera sufEsante pour en faire le 
parfait payeraent. 

Ce que j'ai dit a Milord Rochester sur I'envoi de nouveaux fonds I'a 
empeche de me presser comme il auroit fait sans cela ; mais il ne revoque 
pas en doute que cette somme ne soit fournie quand il la demandera ; je 
supplie V. M. de m'en accorder la permission ; le refus que j'en ferois 



Ixvi APPENDIX. 

causeroit, ce me semble, un prejudice notable au bien de ses affaires, qui 
seroit fort difficile a reparer dans la suite. Apres I'ancien subside paye, il 
restera ici quinze cens mille livres ; je ferai mon possible pour ne point 
diminuer ce fonds, que lorsque j'en serai fort presse ; mais j'ose encore re- 
presenter a V. M., que si j'en ai des defenses expresses, et que je ne puisse 
faire quelqiies payements, il me sera impossible de soutenir I'opinion que 
le Roi d'Angleterre et ses Ministres ont que V. M. desire sinceremeat ses 
avantages et I'etablissement de son autorite. 

Je n!ai pas explique assez clairement I'etat des affaires de ce pays-ci quand 
j'ai donne lieu a V. M. de croire que I'argent qu'elle fournira sera employe 
a des gratifications aux membres du Parlement, pour en obtenir ce que le 
Roi d'Angleterre desire tant a I'egard des revenus, que du libre exercice 
de la religion Catholique ; ce n'est pas la le chemin que ce Prince pretend 
tenir, et rien n'est plus oppose a ce qu'il a dessein de faire. Il aura une 
conduite ferme et resolue; I'introduction faite par le Comte de Danby 
d'acheter les voix du Parlement a si mal reussi, qu'on ne songe plus a s'en 
servir; et, a dire la verite, si on recommen^oit a Je mettre en pratique, on 
tomberoit dans les memes inconveniens. Le Roi d'Angleterre veut que 
ses affaires se fassent par la necessite ou le parlement se trouvera de lui ac- 
corder ce qu'il est resolu de prendre, si on ne le lui accorde pas, c'est-a-dire, 
les revenus dont le feu Roi jouissoit ; et, selon toutes les apparences, le par- 
lement les accordera. Mais celane met pas le Roi d'Angleterre en repos, 
et a son aise ; car il ne pent avec reputation et avec surcte abandonner la 
protection des Catholiques; cependant, il est fort apparent qu'il trouvera 
de grandes difficultes a etablir une liberie d'exercice pour la religion Ca- 
tholique. 

Je sais deja, que les cabales se forment entre les Seigneurs ; on croit qu'il 
seront plus difficiles que la Chambre des Communes sur I'article de la re- 
ligion. II est tres-croyable que les revenus seront accordes pour oter au 
Roi d'Angleterre le pretexte de dire qu'on lui refuse ce qui est necessaire 
pour le soutien du gouvernement; mais on voudra en meme temps prendre 
de telles precautions pour la surete de la religion Protestante, que le Roi 
d'Angleterre ne les pourra admettre sans se trouver en un etat fort perilleux 
et fort incertain. Les Protestants zeles disent deja tout haut, que ce Prince 



APPENDIX. Ixvii 

a manque a ce qu'il a dit au conseil, et a ce qui est porte dans la declaration 
qui a ete publiee, ayant promis formellement de ne rien faire contre la 
religion Protestante, quoique, depuis, il ait donne un regiment en IrlandQ 
au Colonel Talbot; ce qui est, comme ils le disent, avancer lePapisme, et 
commencer a detruire la religion Protestante. V. M. peut done tenir pour 
un fondement assure, que le Roi d'Angleterre trouvera d'extremes diffi- 
cultes a ce qu'il veut faire en faveur de la religion Catholique. On n'omet- 
tra aucuns soins pour Ten detourner, et pour affoiblir les resolutions qu'il 
aura prises. V. M. voit par ce qu'a fait Milord Rochester, ce qu'on doit 
attendre des autres en des choses de plus grande consequence. 

Le meilleur moyen, et le plus sur, pour fortifier ce Prince, et le maintenir 
dans le bon etat ou il est a I'egard de la religion Catholique, et des interets 
de V. M., est de se voir assure d'une liaison etroite avec V. M. et dans une 
entiere surete d'en etre puissamment secouru. Je ne fais aucun doute qu'il 
ne s'engage aussi avant que V. M. le voudra dans la suite, et il croit deja 
le faire en recevant des gratifications de V. M. Si je cessois toutes sortes 
de payements, et que le Roi d'Angleterre et ses ministres prissentle parti 
de s'expliquer avec froideur sur cela, et de ne pas parler de secours comme 
d'une chose negessaire, je ne douterois pas que ce Prince ne se crut en 
etat et en liberte de prendre d'autres mesures. Je ne puis representer 
trop fortement a V. M. combien il importe de ne donner au Roi d'Angle- 
terre, et a ses Ministres, aucune occasion de croire que V. M. ne veut pas 
contribuer a sa grandeur et a son etablissement. Je m'appliquerai a rendre 
un compte si exact de ce qui se passera ici, que V. M. verra le fonds de 
tons les interets, autant que je serai capable de les demeler. Cependant, 
il est, selon mon opinion, tres-necessaire que V. M. ne suspende pas les 
payements, et qu'elle me permette de fournir au Roi d'Angleterre 
ce que je croirai devoir donner sur les quinze cens mille livres qui 
resteront apres le parfait payement de I'ancien subside; j'ose repondre 
que cet argent aura un aussi bon effet qu'aucun que V. M. ait pu donner. 
C'est un coup decisif pour ce que V. M. a d'avantage a coeur, c'est-a-dire, 
pour Tetablissement d'un exercice libre en faveur de la religion Catho- 
lique. Je supplie V. M. de se souvenir, que j'ai menage les payements 
du subside passe, en sorte qu'une annee entiere a ete ecoulee sans qu'il en 



Ixvlii APPENDIX. 

ait ete fait mention. Je ne puis avoir d'autres vues en tout cela que I'in- 
teret de V. M. qui pourroit, par un seul contretemps, miner en un jour 
la confiance qu'elle a etablie ici depuis plusieurs annees, d'une amitie sin- 
cere pour le feu Roi et pour celui d'a-present. J'espere que V. M. me fera 
la justice d'etre persuade, que je n'abonde pas en mon sens, et que je sais 
aussi bien que personne obeir aveuglement a ses ordres;mais il est de mon 
devoir de representer les choses comrae elles sont, et de me soumettre tou- 
jours a ce qu'il plaira a V. M. de commander. 

Je suis, avec le plus profond respect, Sec. 

BARILLON. 



Le Roi a M. Barillon. 

9 Mai, 1685. 
IVloNsiEUR Barillon, je suis bien aise de voir par votre lettre du 30 
Avril, quele Roi d'Angleterre reconnoisse quelle a ete la sincerite de mes 
intentions dans la declaration que le Marquis de Feuquieres a faite par 
mes ordres au Roi Catholique, etque comrae j'ai bienvoulu me contenter 
de la reponse qui lui a ete rendue de la part du Roi, elle ait fait cesser 
aussi toute inquietude que cette affaire avoit donne a la cour ou vous etes. 
Je m'assure que comme cet eclaircissement n'aura pas ete inutile a I'affer- 
missement de la paix, il contribuera beaucoup aussi a faciliter au Roi d'An- 
gleterre I'execution de ses desseins, dans la prochaine assemblee du Parle- 
ment, et que par la seiile disposition des aflfaires presentes de I'Europe, 
il obtiendra tout ce qu'il desire, sans avoir besoin a I'avenir d'aucune 
autre assistance que de celle qu'il tirera de son royaume. 

Cependant, je vois par votre lettre, que vous etes persuade qu'il est de 
mon service non seulement d'achever aussitot qu'il desirera le payement 
des subsides que vous aviez promis de ma part au feu Roi, mais meme de 
vous donner la permission de disposer des quinze cens mille livres restants 
lorsque vous le jagerez necessaire, tant pour le fortifier dans la resolution 
d'etablir a quelque prix que ce soit, le libre exercice de notre religion, 
que pour I'attacher inseparablement a mes interets, et I'empecher de pren- 
dre d'autres mesures ; mais, pour vous eclaircir encore plus particulierement 



APPENDIX. Ixix 

de mes intentions, afin que vous ne puissiez point vous eloigner, je suis 
bien aise de vous repeter ; qu'il est vrai que le principal motif, ou, pour 
mieux dire, le seul et unique, qui m'oblige de vous faire remettre avec 
tant de diligence une somme aussi considerable qu'est celle de deux mil- 
lions, pour en secourir le Roi d' Angleterre dans ses plus pressants besoins^ 
c'est le zele que j'ai pour Taugmentation de notre religion, seconde de 
mon estime et de mon affection pour le dit Roi ; il doit etre aussi d'autant 
plus persuade de cette verite, que je ne stipule aucunes conditions de lui, 
et que I'intention que j'ai de maintenir la paix dans toute I'Europe ne me 
laisse pas lieu de croire, que j'y puisse trouver assez d'obstacles pour avoir 
besoin d'aucune assistance etrangere ; j'ai assez bonne opinion aussi de la 
fermete du Roi d' Angleterre dans la profession qu'il fait de la religion 
Catholique, pour etre bien persuade qu'il employera toute son autorite a 
en etablir le libre exercice, sans qu'il soit necessaire de I'y exciter par une 
distribution d'argent prematuree, et qui ne doit pas etre employe si le 
Parlement lui accorde le meme revenu dont jouissoit le feu Roi d' Angle- 
terre, et consent aussi a I'etablissement du libre exercice de notre religion ; 
aussi mon intention est que vous continuiez les payements de tout ce qui 
reste du des subsides promis au feu Roi, qui monte,suiyant le dernier 
compte que vous m'avez envoye, a 47G mille livres, ensorte que de la re- 
mise qui vous a ete faite par mes ordres le 15 Fevrier dernier de la somme 
de 500 mille livres il ne vous en restera, apres les payements faits, que celle 
de trente mille livres, lesquels joints a toutes les remises qui vous ont ete, ou 
seront faites encore, feront la somme de quinze cens trente mille livres ; 
et je veux que vous gardiez ce fonds, pour n'en disposer qu'en cas que le 
Roi d' Angleterre ne pouvant pas obtenir de son Parlement la continua- 
tion des memes revenus qu'avoit le feu Roi son frere, ou rencontrant trop 
d'obstacles a I'etablissement de la religion Catholique, se trouve oblige 
de le separer, et d'employer son autorite et ses forces pour reduire ses 
sujets a la raison ; je consens, en ce cas, que vous I'assistiez pour lors de 
toute la somme de quinze cens trente mille livres, soit en un ou plu- 
sieurs payements, ainsi que vous le jugerez a-propos, et que vous m'en 
donniez avis dans le meme tems, par un courier expres. Je m'assure 
que le Roi et ses ministres seront «atisfaits des ordres que je vous donne, 



Ixx APPENDIX. 

au moins n'auront-ils pas raison de se plaindre, que je neveuille assister 
qu'en cas de revolte, et ils verront, au contraire, que j'ai d'autant plus 
d'interet que le parlement se porte de lui meme a contenter le dit Roi, 
qu'il en aura la principale obligation a la bonne intelligence qui est entre 
moi et lui ; et comme il ne seroit pas juste, qu'il tournat a son profit, et 
mit dans son epargne, les secours que je lui destine par les seuls motifs 
que je viens de vous ecrire, il pourra toujours s'assurer de recevoir les 
memes marques de mon afifection en cas que la necessite de ses affaires 
I'oblige d'y avoir recours. 

Tachez cependant de bien penetrer quelles seront les negociations qui 
se feront a la cour ou vous etes, entre les Ministres du Roi, et les Ambas- 
sadeurs d'Hollande pour un traite d'alliance avec les Etats Generaux ; et 
prenez garde, qu'en agissant d'aussi bonne foi que je fais avec la cour ou 
vous etes, elle ne prenne ailleurs des engagements prejudiciables a mes 
interets. 

M. Barillon au Roi. 

14 Mai, 1685. 

J E re^us hier, par un courier expres, la depeche de votre Majeste du 9*. 
Mai. J'aurai le soin que je dois, de ne rien faire au-dela de ce que V. M. 
me prescrit ; je me contenterai de representer a V. M. le fait comme il 
est, et de suivre ensuite ses ordres avec la derniere exactitude. 

M. d'Avaux m'a envoye la copie des lettres des Ambassadeurs d'Hol- 
lande au Pensionnaire Faigel du 29 Avril : ces lettres portent que Milord 
Rochester leur a parle d'une maniere qui leur donne des esperances d'une 
plus etroite liaison entre sa Majeste Britannique et les Etats Generaux. Je 
crois savoir positivement que la conference dont il est fait mention dans 
ces lettres n'a point ete tenue ; et si on avoit dessein ici de jetter les fon- 
dements d'une plus etroite liaison entre sa Majeste Britannique et les Etats 
Generaux, ce ne seroit pas par une conference des Ambassadeurs avec plu- 
sieurs ministres. 

J'ai peine a croire aussi ce qui est porte par ces lettres, que Milord Preston 
ait ete charge de parler a V. M. sur le sujet de M. le Prince d'Orange. Le 
Roi d'Angleterre m'cn auroit au moins dit quelque chose, s'il avoit envie 



APPENDIX. Ixxl 

que ses offices eussent un bon succcs ; mals il me parle souvent comme 
ayant une grande defiance et fort bien f'ondee de la conduite et des inten- 
tions de M. le Prince d' Orange a son egard. Votre Majeste sait bien en 
quelle maniere Milord Preston lui a parie sur ce sujet du Prince d'Orange. 
Si cet endroit de la lettre des Ambassadeurs est faux, le reste pourroit bien 
Tetre aussi. 

Votre Majeste aura vu par les lettres que je me suis donne I'honneur de 
lui ecrire, que je crois le Roi d* Angleterre dans toutes les dispositions pos- 
sibles de conserver une etroite liaison avec Votre Majeste, et que c'est sur 
ce fondement que roulent tous ses desseins. Cependant, il est certain que 
toute I'application des Protestans zeles, et des partisans de M. le Prince- 
d'Orange, est de le detacher des interets de V. M. On ne lui proposera 
rien d'abord qui y soit directement oppose ; mais on voudra insensiblement 
le faire entrer en des mesures secretes avec le Prince d'Orange seul, ou 
avec les Etats Generaux. Je ne pense pas qu'on en vienne a bout ; et je 
croirois plutot que les Ambassadeurs d'HoUande se flattent, et prennent 
des discours generaux pour des paroles essentielles. 

^^'Les affaires du Parlement ne seront pas si faciles qu'on se I'etoit imagine. 
Les esprits de ceux qui composent la Chambre d^s Communes paroissent 
disposes a accorder la jouissance des revenus. Mais il sc fait tous les jours 
dans les cabales, de nouvelles propositions qui donneront de I'embarras a 
sa Majeste Britannique et a ses Ministres. 

II y a eu une chose agitee qui est de grande consequence : Topinion 
generalement repandue est, que Madame de Portsmouth et Milord Sunder- 
land sont les principales causes de la liaison etroite qui a paru depuis 
quelques annees entre V. M. et le feu Roy d' Angleterre. On les a vus, dans 
les derniers temps de son regne, avec tout le credit; on a vu meme Milord 
Rochester dechu de faveur, et pret a partir pour I'lrlande ; cela fait que la 
principale haine du passe tombe sur Milord Sunderland et sur Madame de 
Portsmouth, qu'on sait avoir agi en tout de concert. On y enveloppe aussi 
Milord Godolfin. Les factieux pretendent avoir ete abandonees par eux, 
et leur imputent tous les malheurs dont ils ont ete accables. Sur ce fon- 
dement le dessein est de proposer, des que le Parlement sera assemble, 
de chasser de la Chambre des Communes tous ceux qui ont ete, dans les 



Ixxii APPENDIX. 

autres parlements, d'exclure M. le Due d' York de la succession. C'est unc 
proposition specieuse, et qui paroit pleine de respect et de zele pour le 
Roy d'Ans^leterre ; mais le dessein en cela est d'aigrir les esprits de toute 
la nation contre lui, et de faire connoitre (s'il y consent) qu'il n'oublie 
point ce qui a ete fait contre ses interets, et qu'il a toujours envie de 
s'en venger. C'est aussi un degre pour attaquer ceux de la Chambre Haute 
qui ont ete d'avis de son exclusion, et principalement Milord Sunderland 
et Milord Godollin, qui ont traite de la part du feu Roy avec les factieux, 
et qui les ont portes, en ce temps la, a insister sur une chose a laquelle ils 
les assuroient que le Prince consentiroit a la fin, si on faisoit sa condition 
bonne. 

II est fort apparent que ce projet est soutenu par des gens qui ne sont 
pas tout-a-fait hors des affaires. Milord Halifax a toujours une haine fort 
vive contre Milord Sunderland, et anime sous main ceux qu'il avoit dis- 
poses a lui nuire. 

Milord Sunderland a deja parle au Roy.d' Angleterre pour pre venir le piege 
qu'on lui voudroit tendre sous pretexte dechasser ceux qu'on appelle les 
Exclusionnaires ; mais si le moyen manque, on en tentera d'autres ; et je cRfis 
savoir que Milord Sunderland sera fortement attaque, tant par la haine qui 
reste de lui de son ministere passe, que parce qu'on prevoit qu'il aura beau- 
coup de part a la confiance de son maitre a I'avenir, si sa liaison subsiste 
avec V. M., et s'il persiste dans le dessein d'etablir la religion Catholique. 

Je crois que Milord Rochester sera epargne au commencement par le 
Parlement. On le croit bon Protestant, et il est regarde comme protecteur 
du parti Episcopal : on le voit a la tete des affaires, et les finances entre les 
mains ; il est, outre cela, beau-frere du Roy : on croiroit en I'attaquant, 
fournir a sa Majeste Britannique un pretexte de casser le Parlement. Mais 
on s'imagine pouvoir attaquer les autres ministres impunement, et que peut- 
etrc Milord Rochester ne sera pas fache de ce qui se passera contre ceux 
qui avojent prevalu sur lui dans les derniers temps, et qui I'avoient reduit 
a se retirer en Irlande. 

Les Gatholiques sont ouvertement pour Milord Sunderland ; cela rendra 
encore les esprits de la Chambre Basse plus aises a exciter contre lui ; cepen- 
dant il a fort bien servi leRoy d' Angleterre avanl qu'il par vint a la couronne, 



APPENDIX. Ixxiii 

et il a travaille si utileraerit ale faire venir d'Ecosse, et ^ le retablir dans le 
conseil, et dans I'amiraute, que je ne crois pas que ce Prince I'abandonne, 
ni qu'il souffre que le Parlement commence par faire une chose aussi preju* 
diciablea Tautorite royale, que le seroitcelle d'attaquer les ministres. 

Madame de Portsmouth croit aussi devoir etre attaquee ; cela Toblige a 
presser son depart avant que le Parlement s'assemble. De la fagon dont le 
Roy d'Angleterre m'a parle sur son sujet, j'ai lieu de croire qu'elle sera con- 
tente de ce qu'il a resolu sur ses affaires. 

V. M. pent juger par ce que j'ai I'honneur de lui mander, que les affaires 
ne seront pas si paisibles dans le Parlement qu'on se I'imagine. II est vrai 
que les anciens factieux ne sont pas choisis ; mais ceux qui composent le 
Parlement le deviendront aisement : ils ont presque tous une aversion insur- 
montable contre la religion Catholique, et la plupart sont ennemis de la 
France, et jaloux de la grandeur de V. M. lis connoissent bien que du 
succes de cette seance depend I'etablissement des affaires de sa Majeste 
Britannique ; c'est pourquoi on n'omettra rien pour lui susciter des 
embarras. 

II y a des avis que les Anglois refugies a Amsterdam veulent envoyer 
des armes en Ecosse, et ont pris des mesures sur cela ; c'est I'endroit oil il 
pent plus aisement arriver des desordres, aussi bien que dans le Nord de 
rirlande, qui joint presqu'a I'Ecosse. Le Roy d'Angleterre ne me paroit 
point inquiet de I'avenir, ct croit venir a boutde tout aisement. 

Les Ambassadeurs d'Hollande ont eu leur audience du Prince et de la Prin- 
cesse de Dannemark. lis m'ont rendu la premiere visite apres la Maison 
royale. Selon ce qui m'est rapporte par quelques uns de leurs confidents, ils 
nesont pas si contents qu'ilsle temoignent par leurs lettres. Je ne laisserai 
pas de redoubler mes soins pour penetrer ce qui se passera sur ce sujet. 

II vint hier de fort bonnes nouvelles d'Ecosse. II a ete question dans 
le Parlement, d'accorder a sa Majeste Britannique pour sa vie, les droits de 
I'excise et des coutumes qui avoient ete concedes aussi au feu Roy pour sa 
vie. Non seulement cela a ete fait, mais le Parlement a annexe ces memes 
droits a lacouronne pour toujours. C'est le Due d' Hamilton qui en a fait 
la proposition aux Seigneurs, et qui I'a fait reussir par son credit dans le 
Parlement. 

k 



Ixxiii APPENDIX. 

On a arrete ici un ecuyer de M. le Due de Monmouth ; le Roy d'An- 
gleterre m'a dit qu'il ne s'etoit trouve charge de rien, et qu'il ne s'etoit 
pas cache, qu'ainsi on i'avoit elargi, en donnant caution de se representer. 

Le Due deNordfolk a I'ordre de la jarretiere ; c'est la place qui a vaque 
par la mort du feu Roy d'Augleterre. Milord Churchil sera Milord d'An- 
gleterre : il I'etoit seulement d'Ecosse. M. Germain sera aussi fait Milord, 
et le Colonel Talbot sera Comte d'Irlande des qu'il y sera arrive. Tout 
cela sera fait avant I'assemblee du Parlement. 

Je suis avee le profond respect que je dois, 8cc. 



M, de Barillon au Roy. 

17 May, 1685, a Londres. 
J E vois par la derniere depeche de V. M. que sa resolution est de secourir 
le Roy d'Angleterre dans ses besoins ; c'est dans cette vue que V. M. envoye 
ici des sommes considerables. Cependant il me paroit que V. M. n'estpas 
sans soup^on que le Roy d'Angleterre ne puisse prendre des mesures op- 
posees a ses interets, et former des liaisons avee les Etats Generaux et avec 
le Prince d'Orange. Ma principale application doit etre a tacher de le pe- 
netrer, et je n'omettrai rien de ce qui pent m'cclaircir de ce qui se passe 
de plus secret ici. Le commerce intime que j'ai avec le Roy d'Angleterre 
et avec ses ministres me met en tel etat, que ce sera ma faute si je suis 
trompe. 

V. M. pent tenir pour assure que le Roy d'Angleterre n'a point un plan 
de liaison avec les Etats Generaux, et encore moins avec le Prince d'Orange. 
Je ne prends pas cette confiance mal-a-propos, mais sur beaucoup de choses 
qu'il me seroit difficile d'expliquer a V. M. aussi clairement que je les vois* 
II faut convenir, cependant, que le Roy d'Angleterre dissimule ; et il lui 
€st important de le faire jusques apres la seance du Parlement; mais je suis 
convaincu qu'il levera le masque aussitot aprcs, et qu'il ne se contraindra 
pas, comme il I'a fait jusqu'a present, a cacher sa pente pour les interets 
de V. M., et le dessein qu'il a d'etablir Texercice libre de la religion Catho- 
lique. Je suis persuade qu'il trouvera beaucoup de diflficultes dans I'exe- 



APPENDIX. Ixxv 

cution de ce dessein : il n'y a aucune apparence que le Parlement y con- 
sente : je doute meme que sa Majeste Britannique I'ose proposer. Cela 
dependra des premieres resolutions qui se prendront sur les revenus. 
Mais par avance je sais que la defiance est fort grandc dans les esprits de 
part et d'autre, et que si le Parlement apporte de la facilite a la concession 
des revenus, il ne se relachera point sur ce qui regarde la religion Catho- 
liijue. C'est ce qui m'a fait insister jusques a-present aupres de V. M. 
pour la supplier de ne point ordonner de suspendre les payements aux- 
quels on s'attend ici. Je trouverois meme beaucoup d'inconvenient a de- 
clarer au Roy d'Angleterre et a ses ministres, qu'apres I'ancien subside 
paye V. M. ne lui fournira plus rien, a moins qu'il ne se trouve oblige 
de forcer ses sujets a se conformer a ce qu'il desire, tant a I'egard de ses 
revenus que du libre exercice de la religion Catholique. 

Je vois que V. M. regarde comme un inconvenient que le Roy d'Angle- 
terre puisse mettre dans son epargne, et augmenter ses fonds d'une 
somme considerable que V. M. fourniroit dans le temps, qui le mettra en 
etat de subsister coramodement; et que son autorite etant etablie au-dedans, 
et ayant obtenu ce qu'il souhaite a I'egard de la religion Catholique, il 
sera en etat de prendre parti sur les alliances qu'il pent faire au-dehors. 
Si cela etoit ainsi, je croirois que V. M. auroit interet de prevenir ce Prince 
par une gratification, et I'engager insensiblement dans vos interets par une 
somme bien moins considerable que ne seroit celle que V. M. donneroit, 
si une fois il avoit pris la resolution de se joindre a ceux qui sont jaloux 
de votre grandeur. Mais les affaires de ce pays-ci sont fort eloignees d'un 
etat si tranquille, V. M. verra que dans la suite le Roy d'Angleterre 
trouvera des oppositions beaucoup plus grandes qu'on ne le croit. II y a 
deja des mouvements parmi les Montagnards d'Ecosse ; le Nord de 
rirlande n'est pas tranquille ; les factieux n'ont pas perdu toute espcrance, 
et votre Majeste sait que Ton a pris des mesures en Hollande pour leur en- 
voyer des armes et des munitions. 

Si dans le temps que tout est en mouvement, et que Ton fera les plus 
grands efforts pour detacher le Roy d'Angleterre de I'amitie de votre 
Majeste, je lui declarerois, et a ses Ministres, que V. M. ne veut plus le 
secourir, je fournirois un pretexte fort plausible a ceux qui lui veulent 



Ixxvi APPENDIX. 

faire prendre un chemin oppose a celui qu'il a rcsolu de tenir. Je doute 
encore qu'ils en vinssent a bout ; mais c'est un peril auquel il n'est pas, ce 
me semble, necessaire d'exposer les affaires de ce pays-ci, qui peuvent 
(si je ne me trompe,) etre conduites avec une entiere surete, sans que V. M. 
liazarde beaucoup. Je vois ce qui se passe; il sera mal-aise de me le 
cacher ; ainsi je ne donnerai pas mal-a-propos ce que j'aurai pouvoir de 
donner. J'ose encore supplier V. M. de me permettre (apres I'ancien 
subside paye) de fournir au Roy d'Angleterre, pendant I'assemblee du 
Parlement, jusques a la somme de deux cent mille ecus sur celle de quime 
cent trente mille livres qui me restera entre les mains, apres que votre Majeste 
y aura envoye toute la somme qu'elle a resolu. Je menagerai cette somme 
de deux cents mille ecus en telle sorte que V. M. connoitra par la suite 
qu'elle lui aura ete utile. 

V. M. me permet par sa derniere dcpeche, de donner toute la somme 
que je pourrai avoir entre les mains, si je vois le Parlement casse, et que 
le Roy d'Angleterre soit reduit a contraindre ses sujets par la force a se 
soumettre. II n'est pas apparent que les affaires viennent tout d'un coup 
a une rupture ouverte, et j'aurai toujours assez de temps pour informer 
V. M. et recevoir ses ordres, pourvu que je puisse cependant fournir 
quelque somme. Enfin, Sire, les affaires sont ici, selon ce que j'en puis 
juger, en fort bon etat a I'egard de V. M.; mais je n'en repondrois pas, si 
V. M. m'otoit la liberte de faire aucane sorte de payement, apres I'ancien 
subside paye. II me suffit d'avoir connu ses intentions pour n'aller pas 
trop loin, quand j'en aurai la permission. Le Roi d'Angleterre se croit 
en quelque fa9on juge lui-meme de ses besoins ; si V. M. veut I'obliger 
entierement, et lui temoigner une veritable amitie, elle s'en rapportera a 
lui. Si je jetois dans son esprit une defiance quoique mal-fondee, j'aurois 
de la peine a le faire revenir, au lieu que presentement j'ai etabli une con- 
fiance que rien ne detruira pourvu que V. M. me permette de faire ce que 
je croirai entierement necessaire pour son service. Je ne serois pas assez 
imprudent pour presser V. M. de faire une chose a laquelle il me paroit 
qu'elle a de la repugnance, si je n'en connoissois I'importance et (I'utilite) 
la necessite. Je ne voudrois pas non plus perdre aupres de V. M. ie peu 
de service que je puis lui avoir rendu en ce pays ci, en lui conseillant de 



APPENDIX. Ixxvii 

faire une chose qui pourroit dans la suite etre nuisible, ou du moins in- 
utile a ses interets. Mais je manquerois a mon devoir, et a la fidelite que je 
dois a V. M., si je ne lui representois, comme je fais, qu'il est absolument 
necessaire de me laisser la liberte de donner des marques de votre amitic 
au Roy d'Angleterre, dans le temps que Ton prendra le plus de soin de 
I'ebranler. 

La conjoncture presente est decisive : il est question que le Roy d'An- 
gleterre prenne un parti qu'il soutiendra longtemps. Je crois voir que ce 
parti est pris dans son esprit, et qu'il est determine a se tenir etroilement 
uni avec V. M.; il est seulement necessaire de le maintenir dans cette reso- 
lution, et de I'empecher de donner dans les pieges qui lui seront tendus. 

Les lettres que je regus avant hier de M. d'Avaux me confirment dans 
I'opinion que les lettres des Ambassadeurs d'Hollande au Pensionnaire 
Fagel, dont on a eu des copies, sont fausses et supposees. II y a beaucoup 
d'apparence que c'est un artifice invente pour faire croire en Hollande et 
ailleurs que le Roi d'Angleterre est entierement dispose a former une nou- 
velle et plus etroite liaison avec les Etats Generaux, et qu'il y a deja une 
parfaite intelligence retablie entre sa Majeste Britannique et le Prince 
d'Orange. Je suis persuade que I'un ni I'autre n'est veritable. La jalousie 
du Roy d'Angleterre contre M. le Prince d'Orange est trop bien fondee, 
et trop naturelle, pour etre aisement detruite: je ne vois pas non plus qu'il 
y ait apparence que les interets de I'Angleterre et des Etats Generaux se 
puissent aisement concilier sur le point du commerce, puisqu'au con- 
traire c'est un fondement de division dans I'interet le plus solide des deux 
nations. 

L'affaire seule de Bantam peut empecher encore longtemps qu'il n'y ait 
une liaison entre sa Majeste Britannique et les Etats Generaux : leurs de- 
putes, et ceux de la Compagnie des Indes d' Amsterdam sont arrives. On 
va entrer en conference avec eux. Cependant, je vois encore bien des gens 
persuades, que cette affaire ne s'accommodera pas. J'ai su par un des 
principaux interesses dans la Compagnie des Indes que le Roi d'Angleterre 
est fort resolu de soutenir leur commerce, et de traverser celui des Hoi- 
landois. Cette meme personne m'a dit que sa Majeste Britannique a 
envoye depuis peu un homme expres, charge d'une lettre au Roy de Perse, 



Ixxviii APPENDIX. 

pour I'exhorter a ne se point accorder avec les Hollandois au prejudice des 
autres nations, et lui offrir meme du secours, en cas que la guerre que les 
Hollandois lui font continue. 

Je suis avec le profond respect que je dois, 8cc. 



M. de Barillon au Roi. 

21 Mai, 1685, a Londres. 

\Jn re^ut hier ici des lettres de la Haye, qui portent que trois vaisseaux 
charges d'armes et de munitions de guerre avoient fait voile ou pour 
I'Ecosse, ou pour le Nord d'Irlande. Le Roi d'Angleterre m'en a parle, 
et m'a dit qu'il voyoit bien le peu de soin que M. le Prince d'Orange avoit 
pris de mettre ordre a une chose si importante, et que s'il avoit pris les 
mesures necessaires pour cela, il en auroit ete averti le premier, auroit 
arretc les vaisseaux, et lui en auroit donne avis ; qu'au lieu de cela, on 
avoit differe plusieurs jours a la Haye de rien faire sur les remontrances 
du Sieur Skelton, et qu'on I'avoit oblige de donner un memoire ; que ce- 
pendant il auroit ete facile d'arreter les vaisseaux, si on en avoit eu I'inten- 
tion ; que cette lenteur marque peu d'application et de chaleur de la part 
des Etats Generaux et de M. le Prince d'Orange, et ne repond pas aux 
belles paroles qu'on lui dit tous les jours de leur part ; que son dessein 
n'etoit point d'en faire des plaintes dans les formes, mais qu'il connoissoit 
bien qui sont ceux qui sont veritablement dans ses interets, et dont il attend 
des marques d'amitie sinceres ; que cependant, il n'est point embarrasse 
ni inquiet de ce qui arrivera de ces vaisseaux ; qu'il a donne des ordres 
necessaires pour prevenir les mouvements que les factieux pourroient 
exciter en Ecosse ou en Irlande ; qu'il a envoye des fregates sur les cotes, 
et que dans le fonds il croit n'avoir rien a craindre, etant assure de I'amitie 
de votre Majeste, 

Je repondis a sa Majeste Britannique toutce que je crus devoir augmenter 
son soupcon de la conduite de M. le Prince d'Orange, et I'assurer de 
I'amitie de V. M. II convint de ce que je lui dis, et me fit entendre qu'il 
ne croyoit pas encore devoir se declarer sur cela ouvertement, mais qu'il 



APPENDIX. Ixxix 

esperoit n'etre pas encore longtemps oblige de dissimuler ; que c'etoit un 
personnage qu'il soutenoit mal, et auquel il n'etolt point propre. J'ai su 
depuis cela, qu'il avoit parle avec beaucoup de ressentiment de ce qu'on 
n'avoit pas prevenu en Hollande ce que les exiles d'Angleterre pouvoient 
menager pour I'execution de leurs (manoeuvres) mauvais desseins. II a 
meme dit tout haut au Gonseil, que si ceux qui y etoit obliges, avoient fait 
leur devoir du temps du feu Roy et du sien, a I'egard des factieux retires 
en Hollande, on ne seroit pas en peine presentement de deliberer des moy- 
ens de s'opposer aux efforts qu'ils font pour exciter des troubles. Cela ne se 
peut entendre que de M. le Prince d'Orange. 

Les Ambassadeurs d'Hollande paroissent embarrasses de cette nouvelle. 
lis disent que Ton a fait toutes les diligences possibles pour arreter les 
vaisseaux, des que Mrs. les Etats ont etc avertis par M. Skelton, mais que 
kur gouvernement est assujeti a des formes par-dessus les quelles on ne 
peut passer. 

Le Roy d'Angleterre parla tout haut, il y deux jours, a M. Ziters sur 
I'affaire de Bantam d'une maniere assez forte, et lui fit entendre que toutes 
les nations de I'Europe, et principalement les Anglois, avoient un grand in- 
teret que les Hollandois ne fussent pas maitres tout seuls du commerce du 
poivre, et des autres epiceries. M. Ziters dit que ce commerce leur coutoit 
si cher, qu'on ne devoit pas le leur envier ; que meme ils avoient offert aux 
marchands Anglois qui sont dans les Indes, de partager avec eux la moitie 
des epiceries qu'ils apporteroient en Europe. 

Le Roy d'Angleterre rcpondit qu'il n'etoit pas juste que ce fut eux qui 
en fissentla distribution et la part aux autres ; que le commerce devoit etre 
libre, etqu'enetant les maitres, ilsmettroient le prix qu'ils voudroient aux 
marcliandises. Le Roy d'Angleterre ajouta, en se tournant vers moi ; 
" On sait bien en France ce qui en est, et aussi en Dannemark, car on fait 
la meme chose a leur egard." 

Ce discours fait en public a redouble I'inquietude des Ambassadeurs 
d'Hollande sur Taffaire de Bantam ; mais je ne pense pas qu'il y ait beau- 
coup de reflexion a faire sur ce qui se dit publiquement. C'est plutot, a 
ce que j'en puis juger, dans le dessein de porter les Commissaires a faire 
des oflfres qui puissent contenter la Compagnie de Londres. 



Ixxx APPENDIX. 

Sa Majeste Britannique croit que le Comte d' Argile est dans les mon- . 
tagnes d'Ecosse. EUe m'a dit qu'elle y fera marcher des troupes reglees, 
et que cependant les ordres etoient envoyes pour donner pouvoir aux 
families ennemies du Comte d' Argile et des Cambels de s'armer et de leur 
courir sus. Milord Dombarton part aujourdhui pour commander les troupes 
en Ecosse, et les conduire ou Ton verra que les factieux voudront faire 
leurs premiers efforts. 

Le Colonel Talbot part aussi pour I'lrlande; on a change quantite 
d'oflSciers dans les troupes qui y sont : on y doit encore faire des change- 
ments qui y sont necessaires. On attend ici avec impatience de savoir oii 
les trois vaisseaux charges d'armes et de munitions seront abordes : ils sont 
sortis du Texel il y a dix jours. Le Roy d'Angleterre m'a dit qu'il y 
avoit des hommes dessus, et quelques officiers de ceux qui ont ete casscs 
en Hollande. On nesait point avec certitude si M. le Due de Monmouth 
est sur un de ces vaisseaux : il a ete depuis peu a Roterdam. On ne doute 
pas que cette entreprise d'envoyer des vaisseaux ne soit fondee sur un 
concert secret avec les factieux du pays oii ils doivent aborder, et qu'il n'y 
ait des mesures prises pour prendre les armes aussitot apres. Le peril est 
que leurs troupes ne grossissent, et que les mccontents, qui sont en grand 
nombre dans le Nord de I'lrlande, ne s'assemblent, et ne forment un 
corps assez considerable pour tenir la campagne, et resister aux troupes 
reglees qu'on enverra contre eux, a qui meme il n'est pas sur qu'on se 
puisse fier entierment. Tout cela fait beaucoup parler a Londres, et ar- 
rive dans le temps que le Parlement va s'assembler. Le moindre incon- 
venient qui en pent resulter est de rendre le Parlement plus difficile 
qu'il n'auroit ete si tout avoit ete calme. 

II a ete public ici un ecrit, sous le nom du Due de Buckingham, en 
faveurde la liberie de conscience pour tous les Nonconformistes. Le Roy 
d'Angleterre n'a pu s'empecher de louer d'abord cet ecrit ; il n'en a 
parle depuis que comme d'une chose qui ne merite aucune reflexion. 
Mais les Episcopaux n'ont pas laisse d'en etre alarmes, et de trouver fort 
k redire a cet ecrit. J'en envoye une traduction dont V. M. pourra se 
faire rendre compte : c'est la matiere la plus importante qui puisse etre 
agitee a I'egard du dedans de I'Angleterre. 



APPENDIX. rxxxi 

Le parti des eveques etoit regarde, du temps du feu Roy d'Angleterre, 
comme le soutien de la Royaute, et les Presbiteriens, aussi bien que les 
autres sectaires, maintenoient la religion Protestante, et s'opposoient forte- 
ment a ce qui s'appelle I'accroissement du Papisme. Mais I'etat des affaires 
de la religion est bien change en Angleterre, depuis que le Roy fait una 
profession ouverte de la religion Catholique. Tons les Nonconformistes se 
trouvent dans le meme etat que les Catholiques : les loix sont egalement 
etablies contre les uns et les autres; il n'y a plus que I'Eglise Anglicane 
qui soit la religion de I'etat, et qui puisse s'opposer a toutes les autres sectes ; 
c'est ce qui la fait regarder comme I'unique soutien de la religion Protes- 
tante en general, n'y ayant point d'autre moyen de s'opposer a I'aggran- 
dissement de la religion dont le Roy fait profession, qu'en se tenant ex- 
actement dans I'execution des loix penales. On voit bien cependant qu'ii 
est impraticable de poursuivre et de punir ceux qui ont la meme religion 
que le Roy regnant ; et il semble meme que les loix faites contre les Ca- 
tholiques tombent d'elles^memes, et soient, en quel que sorte, aneanties, 
quand celui au nom duquel on les poursuit, et au profit de qui les con- 
damnations et les amendes sont appliquees, est lui-meme de la religion 
pour laquelle on pretend les devoir punir. 

II y a un autre grand embarras presenteraent dans tous les serments qui 
se pretent par tous les Protestants : ils jurent de ne reconnoitre autre chef 
de I'Eglise Anglicane que le Roy d'Angleterre; cependant, il est de no- 
toriete que lui-meme reconnoit un autre chef de I'eglise, et ne croit point 
I'etre. Cela forme des contradictions difficiles a concilier : le moindre 
relachement des loix penales sera regarde par les Protestans zeles comme 
un chemin a etablir entierement la religion Catholique. La raison essen- 
tielle de cela est que la religion Catholique etoit la religion de I'etat, et 
etablie par les loix sous le regne de la Reine Marie. Les loix faites sous 
le regne de la Reine Elizabeth contre les Catholiques ont etabli la religion 
Anglicane. Si on abolit cesloix, ou qu'on les suspende, I'ancienne reli- 
gion redevient la religion de I'etat, et reprend ses premiers droits, et sa 
premiere force, qui I'autorise meme a poursuivre les autres sectes, comme 
on a fait du temps de la Reine Marie. Tout cela fera la matiere des deli- 
berations du Parlement, a moins que I'affaire des revenus ne soit d'abord 



Ixxxii APPENDIX. 

achev6e, et que le Roy d'Angleterre ne se resolve a casser ou a proroger 
le Parlement aussitot apres, et a prendre de lui-meme les resolutions qu'il 
croira convenables. 

Le proces a ete fait au Sieur Gates, dont les depositions ont servidefon- 
dement a la pretendue conspiration des Catholiques : il a ete trouve cou- 
pable de parjure, et on a prouve qu'il etoit a St. Omer lorsqu'il a depose 
avoir ete present a une assemblee de Jesuites a Londres. II s'est defendu 
avec beaucoup d'audace et d'impudence ; il a dit que trois Parlements 
avoient aprouve ses depositions, et I'avoient cru ; que presentement il 
souffre pour la religion Protestante. Qjaand il sortit de Westminster, 
Milord Louvelez, qui est signale entre les factieux, Tembrassa, et lui fit un 
compliment sur sa fermete. La peine etablie par les loix contre le par- 
jure est d'etre mis au pilori, et d'avoir le bout de I'oreille coupe : le 
jugement sera execute, et ensuite Gates sera remis en prison, ou il sera 
retenu longtemps, etant condamne a de grandes sommes pour des discours 
scandaleux tenus contre M. le Due d'York. On ne peut par les loix 
rinquieter ni le poursuivre pour les faussetes inventees par lui contre la 
Reine Douairiere d'Angleterre, et les Pairs Catholiques, n'y ayant point 
de peines etablies contre la calomnie. Quelques uns croyent qu'on auroit 
mieux fait de ne point achever presentement le proces d'Oates, et qu'il 
auroit ete aussi a-propos de ne le pas poursuivre, puisque la condamna- 
tion ne va qu'au pilori, qui n'est pas une peine proportionnee a ses 

Grimes. 

Je suis, avec le profond respect que je dois, 8cc. 



Le Roi a M. Barillon. 

25 Max, 1685, a Versailles. 

JVIdnsieuii Barillon, j'ai regu votre lettre du 24 May, par la voie 
ordinaire, et celle du 21 May par le retour du courier que je vous 
avois depeche. Je ne doute pas que vous ne vous serviez utilement 
de la faussete qui paroit dans les pretendues lettres des Ambassadeurs 
d'HoUande au Pensionnaire Fagel pour faire connoitre au Roy d'Angle- 



APPENDIX, Ixxxiii 

terre et a ses Ministres, que le Prince d'Orange ne recherche que I'ap- 
parence d'une bonne intelligence avec le dit Roy, pour augmenter par 
la son credit dans les Provinces Unies, mais qu'au fonds il veut toujours 
entretenir une secrete correspondence avec les mecontents d'Angleterre, 
et rien n'en peut mieux persuader la Cour ou vous etes, que la conni- 
vence du dit Prince a rarmement qui a ete fait en HoUande de trois vais- 
seaux pour porter les chefs des dit mecontents, et autant d'armes et de 
munitions de guerre qu'ils en peuvent avoir besoin pour exciter des sedi- 
tions et armer les rebelles, soit en Angleterre, en Ecosse, ou en Irlande. 
Ainsi vous avez raison de ne pas croire que I'Envoye d'Angleterre soit 
charge de la part du Roy son maitre de me parler en faveur du Prince 
d'Orange ; et il a seulement dit a Groissy que le dit Roy s'etoit expliquc 
qu'il ne pouvoit pas avoir d'etroite liaison avec ce Prince, tant qu'il ne 
seroit pas bien avec moi. 

Je suis, cependant, blen aise d'apprendre que le Roy d'Angleterre n'ait 
aucun sujet d'apprehender le passage du Due de Monmouth, du Comte 
d'Argile, et du Sieur Gray, ni tons les efforts que tous les mecontents 
pouvoient faire pendant I'assemblee du Parlement; et je m' assure nean- 
moins qu'il prendra toutes les precautions necessaires, pour se garantir de 
leurs mauvais desseins. 

Je ne vois pas aussi qu'il entre dans la proposition qu'on lui veut faire 
de chasser du Parlement tous ceux qui ont ete d'avis, dans les assemblies 
precedentes, de I'exclure de la succession ; et comme le nombre en est 
grand, et que I'interet qu'ils auront a effacer cette tache par des services 
considerables, les portera, selon toutes les apparences, a le servir plus 
utilement que ne pourroient faire ceux qui ont toujours ete les plus 
attaches a sa personne ; il est de sa prudence et d'une juste et eclairee 
politique de faire connoitre qu'il n'a aucun ressentiment de ce qui s'est fait 
centre lui avant qu'il soit parvenu a la couronne, et de reserver seulement 
a faire dans la suite du temps, la distinction de ceux qui le serviront bien 
d'avec ceux qui feront voir par leur conduite qu'ils n'ont agi que par un 
pur esprit de cabale. 

Votre derniere me fait voir qu'il y a plus de disposition qu'on n'en croyoit 
a quelques mouvements tant en Ecosse qu'en Irlande, et sur ce fondemcnt 



Ixxxiv APPENDIX. 

Youz insistez a ce que je vous permette d'employer, outre les 470 mille 
livres qui restent a payer du subside promis au feu Roy, au moins 6OO mille 
livres sur les 1530 mille livres que vous avez entre les mains, apres qu'on 
vous aura remis tous les fonds que j'ai destines pour assister le Roy d'An- 
gleterre. Mais comme I'ordre que je vous ai donne par ma depeche du 
9* me paroit snfEsant pour la satisfaction de ce Prince, je ne juge pas a- 
propos d'y rien changer, d'autant plus que faisant remettre incessamment 
a Londres toute la somme que je vous permets de donner, en cas de be- 
soin, leRoy peut bien juger que je ne refuserai pas les assistances neces- 
saires; car vous me pouvez avertir journellement de ce qui se passera: je 
vous donnerai aussi mes ordres avec la meme diligence, suivant les 
difierents evenements. 



Exlrait d'une Letlre du Roy a M. Banllon. 

a Versailles^ 1 Juin^ I685. 

IVl. Barillon vos lettres des 21 et 2A May me font voir qu'encore que 
le Roy d'Angleterre ne temoigne aucune inquietude des preparatifs que 
font les proscrits d'Angleterre, tant pour y retourner que pour y exciter 
quelque mouvement, soit vers I'Ecosse ou vers le Nord d'Irlande ; nean- 
moins la Cour ou vous etes, et les principaux marchands de la ville de 
Londres apprehendent que les entreprises de ces factieux n'aient quelques 
suites qui troublent le commerce et le repos dont les Anglois jouissent a- 
present, je suis bien aise d'apprendre que le dit Roy ait donne de bons 
ordres pour prevenir les desseins des Rebelles, et qu'il mette sa principale 
confiance dans mon amitie. 

II peut aussi s'en promettre la continuation, tant qu'il demeurera dans les 
memes engagements que le feu Roy son frere et lui-meme avoient pris avec 
moi ; et comme les discours que le public lui fait tenir sur-tout ce qui re- 
garde les interets de ma couronne neconviennent pasace quejedoisatten- 
dre de lui, vous devez observer bien soigneusement quels sont ses veritables 
sentiments, et m'informer de tout ce que vous apprendrez qu'il aura dit sur 
ce sujet, soit dans ses discours particuliers, soit dans les discours qu'il aura 



APPENDIX. Ixxxv 

tetius aux Ambassadeurs et ministres etrangers; ensorte qu'apres avoir 
donne des marques de mon zele pour le retablissement de la religion Ca- 
tholique en Angleterre, et de mon amitie pour ce Prince par les secours 
que je vous fais incessamment remettre', je ne contribue pas d'avantage, 
s'il a de mauvais desseins, a le mettre en etat de s'opposer a tout ce qui 
peut etre de ma satisfaction ; et vous ne sauriez me rendre un compte trop 
exact de la maniere qu'il vous traite, de tout ce qu'il vous dit sur les af- 
faires presentes, et de ce que vous pouvez penetrer de ses intentions, tant 
sur les alliances qu'il pretend faire a I'avenir, que sur les mesures qu'il 
veut prendre avec ses voisins. 

Vous pouvez cependant I'assurer, qu'il n'y a aucun fondement a I'avis 
qu'on lui a donne, que le Marquis de BoulHers avoit ordre d'entrer dans 
la Navarre Espagnole ; que pour ce qui regardel'escadre demes vaisseaux 
que j'ai envoyee sous le commandement du Sieur de Treuilly vers Cadiz, 
il n'a ordre que de faciliter le commerce de mes sujets, et le retour des 
effets qu'ils ont sur la flotte des Indes. Vous savez aussi que le Marechal 
d'Estrees doit seulement faire la guerre avec les vaisseaux qu'il commande 
aux Corsaires de Tripoli ; ainsi il n'y a rien de nouveau dans ces com- 
mandements dont vous n'ayez deja ete averti. 

Vous jugez bien que tout ce qui se passera dorenavant en Angleterre 
merite une grande attention, et je ne doute point que vous ne donniez tons 
vos soins a en etre bien averti, et a me rendre un compte exact de ce que 
vous apprendrez. 



Extrait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roi, 

28 Max, 1685, a Londres. 

JVl. d'Avaux aura envoye a V. M. la copie d'une lettre des Ambassa- 
deurs d'HoUande, sur laquelle il me paroit faire beaucoup de reflexion. 
Je ne doute pas qu'il n'y ait des ministres qui parlent a ces Ambassadeurs 
dans le sens qu'il mandent, et qui ne se flattent d'esperances sur I'avenir 
mais je n'ai aucun lieu de croire que ces esperances soient bien fondees. 
Je persiste a ce que j'ai eu I'honneur de mander a votre Majeste sur cela. 



Ixxxvi APPENDIX. 

Le Roy d'Angleterre me paroit tous les jours connoitre d'avantage com- 
bien I'amitie de V. M. lui est necessaire. Tous les eflforts que Ton fera 
pour I'ebranler seront inutiles, si V. M. fait de son cote tout ce qui est 
necessaire pour le maintenir dans les sentiments ou il est. Je ne serois 
pas assez imprudent pour en assurer V. M. si je ne croyois en avoir de$ 
preuves convaincantes. 



Extrait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roy. 

2 Juin, 1685, a Londres. 

X^E chagrin et I'inquietude que cette nouvelle peut donner au Roy d'An- 
gleterre ont ete fort diminues par ce qui se passa hier au Parlement : la 
Ghambre des Communes a accorde a sa Majeste Britannique, pour sa vie, 
les memes revenus dont le feu Roy son frere jouissoit : la resolution en a 
ete prise d'un comun consentement ; M. Seymer seul s'y opposa, et ha- 
rangua inutilement contre la forme des elections, et sur le peril ou Ton est 
de voir introduire la religion Catholique, et un gouvernement contre les 
loix. Son discours ne fut suivi ni applaudi de personne. 

La Ghambre Haute delibera, en meme temps, sur Taffaire des Seigneurs 
accuses de haute trahison, et cassa un reglement de la meme Ghambre qui 
ordonne que les accusations intentees par la Ghambre Basse subsisteront d'un 
parlement a I'autre. Gela s'etoit fait pour perpetuer I'accusation contre 
le Gomte de Danby et les Pairs Gatholiques, qui par ce raoyen demeure- 
ront toujours en etat d'etre condamnes sur les temoignages rendus contre 
eux. lis sont presentement libres de I'accusation, et il faudroit pour les 
poursuivre recommencer une nouvelle accusation, et une nouvelle proce- 
dure, Cette deliberation de la Ghimbre Haute annule tout ce qui a etc 
fait sur la pretendue conspiration des Gatholiques, qui sans cela auroit 
subsiste : c'est un coup fort important a I'egard de sa Majeste Britan- 
nique. Les Milords Devanscher, Anglesey, Claire, et Radnor furent d'un 
avis contraire, et temoignerent seulement leur mauvaise volonte. 

Le Roy d'Angleterre me parla hier au soir avec beaucoup de chaleur 
de son attachement pour V. M. et de I'envie qu'il a de conserver son 



APPENDIX. Ixxxvii 

amitie, et d'augmenter, s'il est pgssible, les liaisons etablies. II me dit 
qu'il se croyoit encore plus en etat de se conduire suivant son inclination 
et ses interets, se trouvant en possession du revenu dont le feu Roy son 
frere jouissoit ; que cependant il auroit toujours un grand besoin de 
I'amitie et des secours de V. M. pour executer les choses qu'il a dans 
I'esprit, et sans lesquelles il ne peut etre en surete ; que V. M. verroitavec 
quel soin il menagera I'honneur de ses bonnes graces, et avec quelle fer- 
mete il sera dans ses interets. Ce Prince me dit ensuite le detail des nou- 
velles d'Ecosse ; et ajouta, qu'il ne doutoit pas que I'Electeur de Brande- 
bourg et d'autres Princes d'Allemagne n'eussent contribue sous main a 
I'entreprise du Comte d' Argile, et qu'il seroit soutenu de tons les Protestans 
de I'Europe ; que cela lui montroit le chemin qu'il doit tenir, et a qui il 
se peut fier. Je lui dis que j'informerois V. M. de ce qui se passoit, et 
que je pouvois I'assurer per avance que V. M. n'omettroit rien pour le 
soutenir, et lui donner des marques essentielles de son amitie. 

Les lettres que j'ai regues de M. d' Avaux, du 29 May, me font voir que 
les Ambassadeurs d'Hollande qui sont ici, ecrivent comme s'ils etoient 
persuades que le Roy d'Angleterre est dans une entiere disposition a faire 
une nouvelle et plus etroite alliance avec les Etats Generaux. 

V. M. jugerace qui est a faire ici pour son service dans la conjoncture 
presente. Je me tiendrai en etat d'executer ses ordres, sans m'avancer 
au-dela du payement de I'ancien subside. Je ne doute pas que Milord 
Rochester, et nieme le Roy d'Angleterre, ne me pressent bientot de leur 
fournir d'autres sommes dont ils sgavent que les fonds sont ici. II me 
paroit que le cas contenu dans les ordres de V. M. est a-peu-pres arrive, 
puis qu'il y a une rebellion formee en Ecosse qui a ses racines et son fon- 
dement en Angleterre et en Irlande. J'attendrai ce qu'il plaira a V. M. 
de m'ordonner ; mais ce qui se fera bientot, et du pur mouvement de 
V. M., sera, ce me semble, d'un autre poids, et d'un plus grand merite, 
que les secours qu'on accordera, lorsqu'ils seront demandes avec empresse- 
ment. 

Je sais que des sommes considerables ne se fournissent pas ordinaire- 
ment sans des stipulations prealables, et sans des assurances positives de 
Teffet qu'elles peuvent produire. Je ne fais aucun doute que le Roy 



Ixxxviii APPENDIX. 

d'Angleterre n'enlre dans la suite dans tous les engagements que V. M. 
pourra desirer: je ne me suis point ouvert sur cela, parce que je n'ai pas 
eu d'ordre positif de V. M. de le faire : j'ai meme apprehende, si j'en 
commengois le discours, qu'on ne demandat des conditions qui ne lui 
conviendroient peutetre pas, corame celle de ne point faire, de son cote, 
d'alliance avec d'autres Princes. Cette egalite n'est pas raisonnable ni ad- 
missible entre V. M. et le Roy d'Angleterre, dont la puissance est si diffe 
rente et si inegale avec la sienne. Mais les Anglois presument toujours 
d'avantage qu'ils ne doivent, et ceux qui voudroient erapecher ou aSbiblir 
les liaisons entre V. M. et sa Majeste Britannique, trouveroient peut-etre 
des pretextes dans les clauses d'un traite pour en eluder les conclusions. 
Je fais cette reflexion par avance, sur une chose dont il n'est pas encore 
question, mais qui pourroit venir en son temps. 

II s'agil seulement a-present de ce que V. M. m'ordonnera de faire de 
I'argent qu'elle a fait passer ici. II me paroit que le Roy d'Angleterre 
s'engage a mesure qu'il revolt de I'argent de V. M., et que c'est le meilleur 
et le plus sur moyen de rendre inutiles tous ces efforts qu'on fera pour 
Tebranler, et pour lui faire prendre un chemin oppose aux interets de 
V. M. je crois voir cela clairement, et qu'il y auroit du peril a laisser le 
Roy d'Angleterre sans secours, dans le temps qu'il pent en avoir plus de 
besoin, II est vrai que le Parlement lui a accorde le revenu du feu Roy ; 
il pourra meme dans la suite donner quelque chose pour la flotte ; mais la 
guerre civile est commencee en Ecosse, et je vois des gens fort senses qui 
sont persuades que I'entreprise du Comte d'Argile est plus considerable 
encore qu'elle ne paroit. 

Des que I'acte des revenus sera passe, les affaires qui regardent la reli 
gion seront sur le tapis, et quantite d'autres affaires. J'estime qu'il seroit 
utile, en ce temps la, pour le service de V. M. de pouvoir menager quel- 
ques gens du Parlement, et leur inspirer une conduite telle qu'il convient 
aux interets de V. M. : une somme de quinze cent ou deux milJe pieces 
suffiroit pour conserver a V. M. un credit dont elle pourroit avoir besoin 
en d'autres temps. Je ne ferai rien sur cela, quand j'en aurois la per- 
mission, qu'avec de grandes precautions. 

Milord Montaigu m'est venu trouver avant son depart pour France; il 



APPENDIX. Jxxxix 

m'a fort presse d'ecrire a V. M. pour le parfait payement de ce qui lui 
reste du. II m'a dit qu'au lieu de cinquante mille ecus qui lui sont dus, il 
se contenteroit d'une pension pendant sa vie ; qu'il pretendoit ne pouvoir 
etre moindre que de vingt mille livres: il croit que ce seroit un moyen de 
satisfaire a ce qui lui est legitimement du, sans que V. M. fut obligee de 
debourser une somme considerable, et que ce seroit meme une surete de sa 
conduite dans tous les temps, puisque V. M. pourroit faire cesser le paye- 
ment de la pension, si V. M. n'etoit pas contente de lui. Je n'ai pu me refuser 
a rendre compte a V. M. de cette proposition. II est certain que M. de Mon- 
taigu a rendu un grand service. II en doit parler lui-meme a M. de Croissy, 



Extrait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roi. 

4 Juin, J 685, a Londres. 
J_jE discours de M. Seymer a fait beaucoup de bruit a Londres, et a la 
Cour, quoiqu'il n' ait point retarde la resolution de la Chambre Basse pour 
la concession ; mais dans la suite il sera souvent parle de ce discours, dans 
lequel les questions importantes ontete traitees a fonds. M. Seymer ne 
s'est point oppose a ce que Ton donnat au Roy d'Angleterre les revenus 
dont le feu Roy jouissoit ; mais il a propose qu'on remit a en deliberer 
jusqu'a ce que les formes dans lesquelles les elections des membres du Par- 
lement ont ete faites, eussent ete examinees. II a soutenu qu'elles etoient 
pour la plupart vicieuses,et faites par cabale, et par autorite, ce qui est direc- 
tement contraire aux loix d'Angleterre, qui etablissent une entiere liberte 
sur le sujet des elections, en sorte que la moindre corruption en argent 
etant prouvee rend I'election nuUe ; que les sherifs et autres ofEciers qui 
avoient preside a ces elections, avoient ete tous prcposes en vertu des nou- 
velles chartres accordees depuis peu au lieu des anciennes qui ont ete re- 
voquees ; que I'exemple de ce qui a ete fait a I'egard de la ville de Londres, 
dans la revocation de ses chartres, et de ses privileges, avoit ete suivi dans 
les autres villes et bourgs, quoique selon les loix et I'usage, il ne soit pas 
au pouvoir du Roi de revoquer ni de rendre nulles des chartres accordees 
par les Rois ses predecesseurs, confirmees par un temps immemorial, etpar 



xc APPENDIX. 

Tapprobation expresse et tacite de plusieurs parlements ; qu'ainsi le principe 
des elections etant (vicieux) defectueux, les deputes n'ctoit pas de veritables 
membres du parlement, choisis par la nation contra la liberte requise et 
dans les regies usitees ; que cependant il n'y avoit pas eu de temps au quel 
il fut plus necessaire d'avoir un Parlement compose de gens bien intentionnes 
et attaches aux loix d'Angleterre, parce que la nation etoit en un peril 
evident de voir changer ses loix et sa religion ; que Taversion des peuples 
d'Angleterre contre la religion Catholique Romaine, et leur attachement 
pour leurs loix etoient tellement etablis dans les esprits, qu'on ne pouvoit 
detruire leur religion et leurs loix que par des actes du Parlement, ce qui 
ne seroit pas difficile, quand un Parlement se trouve entierement depen- 
dant de ceux qui peuvent avoir de tels desseins ; que Ton parloit deja 
d'abolir le Test, qui etoit le seul rempart capable d'empecher I'introduc- 
tion du Papisme ; et que des que cet obstacle seroit leve, les Papistes 
viendroient aisement a bout de rentrer dans les charges et dans les emplois, 
et d'etablir leur religion sur la destruction de la religion Protestante ; que 
Ton disoit aussi que I'intention etoit de casser I'acte 6! Habeas Corpxis, qui 
est le plus ferme Ibndement des libertes des Anglois ; que si cet acte etoit 
revoque, le gouvernement arbitraire se trouveroit bientot etabli ; que ce 
qu'il avangoit etoit connu de tout ie monde, et n'avoit pas besoin de 
preuves ; qu'ainsi, avant de prendre aucune resolution de consequence, 
il etoit necessaire d'examiner la validite des elections, et de decider, selon 
les regies etablies en Angleterre, si les Deputes etoient capables de constituer 
un veritable et legitime Parlement qui put representer la Nation. 

Ce discours fut prononce avec beaucoup de force, et eut I'approbation 
secrete de beaucoup de gens ; mais personne ne se leva pour I'aprouver. 
Ceux de son parti crurent qu'ils le feroient inutilement, et que la contes- 
tation qu'ils formeroient, ne serviroit qu'a montrer leur foiblesse et leur 
petit nombre, en comparaison des autres qui se croyent elus. Ces memes 
questions reviendront souvent dans la suite, et serviront de fondement a 
tout ce qui sera allegue contre les resolutions du Parlement presentement 
assemble. Ceux qui lui contestent son pouvoir nont point d'autres juges 
que les memes gens a qui on dispute la validite de leurs elections ; c'est 
ce qui fit mettre a la Tour, pendant un assez longtemps. les Pairs qui 



APPENDIX. xci 

voulurent soutenir, il y a quelques annees, que le Parlement n'etoit pas un 
veritable Parlement, et ils furent obliges a la fin de se retracter. 

Le fils aine du Comte d'Argile, nomme Milord Lorn, est venu se re- 
mettre entre les mains du Roy d'Angleterre, et a ofFert de servir centre 
son pere ; il y a un autre de ses enfants avec lui. On croit tous les jours 
d'avantage ici que cette affaire est considerable. 



Extrait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roy. 

7 Juin, 1685} aLondres, 
On eut hier des nouvelles d'Irlande qui portent que le Comte d'Argile 
avoit descendu dans I'ile d'Yle, qui est a lui ; les 500 hommes qui y 
avoient ete mis par le Marquis d'Atol s'etoient deja retires. Plusieurs des 
habitants en sont aussi sortis pour ne se pas declarer en faveur du Comte 
d'Argile. On croit ici qu'il lui seroit impossible de demeurer long temps 
dans cette ile, a moins qu'il ne soit secouru par les gens du Nord de I'lr- 
lande : il n'y paroit aucune disposition. Les troupes de sa Majeste Bri- 
tannique se sont avancees, et ont occupe les endroits propres a empecher 
les peuples de s'assembler ni de rien entreprendre : cela fait dire ici que 
I'entreprise du Comte d'Argile n'aura aucun succes. On ne sait pourtant 
point encore ce qui se passe dans la terre ferme d'Ecosse ou il a d'abord 
mis pied a terre, et ou le bruit est qu'il a laisse un de ses enfants pour as- 
sembler les gens du pays qui sont pour lui. Personne ne doute que son 
dessein ne soit fonde sur I'esperance que M. le Due de Monmouth essaye- 
roit en meme temps d'exciter une revoke en Angleterre ; mais on croit 
que M. le Due de Monmouth n'a ose hazarder d'y venir. On a commence 
en Ecosse a lui faire son proces. L'acte de la concession des revenus sera 
passe dans trois ou quatre jours ; il a ete lu pour la seconde fois a la 
Chambre des Pairs. Le Parlement ne s'assemble point aujourdhui, parce 
qu'il est le jour de I'Ascension, ni demain, parce que c'est le jour du Re- 
tablisssment du feu Roy d'Angleterre, et qu'on veut en celebrer la fete. 

II se passa avant-hier une chose de grande consequence dans la Cham- 
bre Basse : il fut propose le matin que la chambre se metiroit en comite 



3fcii APPENDIX. 

I'apres-diner pour considerer la harangue du Roy sur I'affaire de la rell-^ 
gion, et savoir ce qui devoitetreentendupar le itxme de religion Protestante. 
La resolution fut prise unanimement, et sans contradiction, de faire une 
adresse au Roy pour le prier de faire yne Proclamation pour I'execution 
des loix contre tous les Nonconformistes generalement, c'est-a-dire, contra 
tous ceux qui ne sont pas ouvertement de I'Eglise Anglicane ; cela en- 
ferme les Presbiteriens et tous les sectaires, aussi bien que les Catholiques 
Romains. La malice de cette resolution fut aussitot reconnue du Roy 
d'Angleterre et de ses ministres : les principaux de la Chambre Basse 
furent mandes, et ceux que sa Majeste Britannique croit etre dans ses in- 
terels: il leur fit une reprimande severe de s'etre laisses seduire et entrainer 
a une resolution si dangereuse et si peu admissible. II leur declara que 
si Ton persistoit a lui faire un pareille adresse, il repondroit a la Chambre 
Basse en termes si decisifs et si fermes qu'on ne retourneroit pas a lui faire 
un pareille adresse. La maniere dont sa Majeste Britannique s'expliqua, 
produisit son effet hier matin, et la Chambre Basse rejeta tout d'une voix 
ce qui avoit ete resolu en comite le jour auparavant. 

On fait grande reflexion ici sur cette marque de deference et de sou- 
mission que la Chambre Basse a donnee. Mais ceux qui savent les motifs 
de la premiere deliberation, voient bien quelaseconde estforcee, etquece 
qui se fait par autorite n'empeche pas que le sentiment unanime n'ait ete de 
donner un coup aux Catholiques, et de faire meme comprendre au Roy 
d'Angleterre combien il trouveroit de difficulte a rien obteuir du Parlement 
en leur faveur. 

Ce Prince a temoigne beaucoup d'algreur contre ses domestiques et autres 
gens attaches particulierement a lui, qui ont donne les mains, par malice 
ou par ignorance, a une resolution si peu respectueuse a son egard : il 
connoit le ridicule et le danger qu'il y a pour lui d'etre pric par le Parle- 
ment de poursuivre avec rigueur I'execution des loix contre les Catho- 
liques et les Nonconformistes. Cependant il en tire cet avantage, qu'il a 
connu le fonds des intentions de la Chambre Basse, et qu'il a fait un coup 
d'autorite en les obligeant a se retracter des le lendemain d'une resolution 
prise unanimement. 

Sa Majeste Britannique salt tres-mauvais gre aux eveques qui, sous pre- 



APl^ENDiX. xclli 

leXte de zele pour FEglJse Anglicane, avoient fait prendre une resolution 
si absurde et si dangereuse. Les gens opposes a la Cour temoignent 
secretement leur joie de ce que la Chambre Basse a montre a tout le monde 
quels etoient ses sentiments sur la religion : ils ne comptent pas pour beau- 
coup que la Chambre Basse ait ete obligee de se retracter, esperant qu'en 
une autre occasion elle aura plus de fermete, et que le Roy d'Angleterre 
ne sera pas toujours en etat et en volonte de faire des coups d'autorite. 

On a parle dans la Chambre Basse d'exclure ceux qui avoient ete d'avis 
d'exclure M. le Due d' York de la succession ; mais les principaux de la 
Chambre avoient ordre de s'opposer a cette proposition, ainsi elle n'a eu 
aucune suite. C'etoit une tentative contre plusieurs des Ministres, qui 
sont a-present dans la confiance du Roy d'Angleterre. 

Onvoit par ce qui s'est passe hier et avant-hier combien il est difficile 
de prevoir ce qu'un Parlement pent faire. Cela fait dire deja que le Par- 
lement ne sera pas long temps assemble : eux-memes ont envie d'etre pro- 
roges ou ajournes, voyant bien qu'ils ne sont pas en etat de prendre une 
resolution de consequence, et de la soutenir, quand elle ne sera pas 
agreable a sa Majeste Britannique. Ils sont aussi fort incommodes dans 
leur Chambre, qui est trop petite pour contenir le nombre dont elle est 
composee, qui est de cinq cents treize personnes. II est pourtant apparent 
que la Cour fera encore quelque effort pour les obliger a donner quelque 
chose pour mettre la flotte en bon etat. 

Les Commissaires de la Compagnie des Indes d'Amsterdam, et ceux de 
la Compagnie de Londres se sont assembles : ils ne paroissent pas encore 
disposes a convenir ensemble, ni a s'approcher : ceux de Hollande veulent 
gagner du temps, et traiter par ecrit dans les delais ordinaires ; les An- 
glois veulent abreger la matiere, et aller au fait, c'est-a-dire, convenir de 
la restitution dans Bantam. Les HoUandois auroient bien de la peine a y 
donner de bonne foi les mains 

Je sais qu'il a ete agite dans les assemblees particulieres qui se font des 
gens du Parlement de proposer quelque chose k I'egard de la France, et de 
marquer au Roy d'Angleterre le chemin qu'il doit tenir. On n'a pas trouve 
de pretexte apparent de rien proposer presentement sur cela ; s'il y en 
avoit quelque occasion dans la suite on ne la manqueroit pas, autant par 



xciv APPENDIX. 

mauvaise intention contre le Roy d'Angleterre, que pour I'embarrasser 
par la jalousie de la grandeur de V. M. qui est natureilement dans les 
esprits des Anglois. On a parle dans une de ces conferences de faire une 
adresse pour prier sa Majeste Britannique de s'employer a conserver le 
repos a I'Europe : cette proposition a ete trouvee trop generale, et sujette 
a interpretation : on a meme cru qu'elle pourroit donner lieu a sa Majeste 
Britannique de s'unir plus etroitement avec V. M., sous pretexte de la 
conservation de la paix. 

Le Roy d'Angleterre vient de me dire qu'il est arrive un courier exprcs 
d'Ecosse, parti d'Edinbourg le 4. de ce mois ; que le Comte d'Argile est 
entre dans le pays de Cantir, qui lui appartient: c'est une languede terre 
qui s'etend devers I'lrlande. II s'est avance jusques au pays qui porte 
le nom d'Argile, pour aller au-devant des troupes du Marquis d'Atol, et 
empecher qu'elles ne se joignent avec les autres royalistes. Les lettres 
portent que le Comte d'Argile a trois mille hommes avec lui. L'opinion 
de sa Majeste Britannique est que ses troupes grossiront encore. Son fils 
est dans le pays de Lorn, et il leur est aise de se joindre, Toutes les 
lettres qui viennent d'Ecosse font juger que le Comte d'Argile s'attendoit 
que M. le Due de Monmouth se mettroit en devoir d'exciter une revoke en 
Angleterre. Je suis avec le profond respect que je dois, Sec. 



Le Roy a M. Barillon. 

d Versailles ^ le 15 Juin^ I685. 
JVloNsiEUR Barillon, j'ai re^u par la voie ordinaire vos lettres des 4 
et 7 de ce mois, et par le courier que vous m'avez depeche, celle du 10% 
qui ne coutient rien de plus considerable que les precedentes, sinon les 
raisons que vous avez de croire qu'il est du bien de mon service que je 
vous donne pouvoir de faire payer au Roy d'Angleterre la somme de cent 
mille ecus, outre et par-dessus ce qui lui reste du, a cause du subside promis 
au feu Roy son frere. Mais il me paroit, au contraire, par tout ce que 
contiennent vos dernieres lettres, que ce Prince a moins de besoin de mon 
assistance a-present, qu'il en a eu depuis qu'il est parvenu a la couronne. 



APPENDIX. xcv 

Et en effet je vois premierement que toutes les remontrances que le Sieur 
Seymer a faites dans la Chambre Basse, et tout ce qu'il a dit pour attaquer 
la valldite des elections, n'a servi qu'a determiner plus promptement le 
Parlement a continuer au Roy les memes revenus dont jouissoit le feu Roy 
son frere; que d'ailleurs le bruit que fait le debarquement du Comte 
d'Arp-ile en Ecosse avec une petite suite de rebelles mal pourvus de toutes 
choses, et pen capables d'une grande entreprise, a fait prendre aussi la reso- 
lution au Parlement d'accorder encore au dit Roy jusqu'a la somme de seize 
cent mille livres sterlings qui feront plus de vingt millions de livres; qu'enfin ce 
Prince n'a pas plutot temoigne combien lui seroit desagreable la propo- 
sition que toute la Chambre des Communes avoit resolu de faire d'une 
proclamation pour I'execution des loix contre tous les Nonconformistes, 
qu'elle a rejette d'un commun consentement la deliberation des comniis- 
saires ; ensorte qu'on peut dire que jamais Roy d'Anglelerre n'a agi avec 
plus d'autorite dans son Parlement que ce Prince fait a-present, et qu'il n'y 
a rien qu'il ne s'en dolve promettre pour I'affermissement de son autorite, 
et pour la punition du petit nombre de rebelles qui ont ose paroitre. 
Ainsi j'ai sujet de me promettre que non seulement il ne desirera point de 
moi, dans la conjoncture presente, d'autre assistance que celle que je vous 
ai promis de lui donner, c'est-a-dire, le payement de ce qui reste du de 
subsides, mais meme qu'il demeurera persuade que les temoignages pub- 
lics de mon amitie, et la crainte des secours que je n'aurois pas manque de 
lui donner, s'il en avoit eu besoin, ont beaucoup contribue a xnaintenir ses 
sujets dans le devoir, et a lui faire obtenir de son Parlement tout ce qu'il 
en a desire jusqu' a-present. 

II ne reste done plus, tant pour ma satisfaction que pour la sienne, qu'a 
obtenir le revocation des loix penales en faveur des Catholiques, et le libre 
exercice de notre religion dans tous ses etats, et vous savez que c'est aussi 
le principal motif qui m'a porte a vous faire remettre avec tant de dili- 
gence des sommes si considerables. Mais corame ce Prince ne juge pas 
a-propos de tenter, quant a-present, cette demande, je ne veux pas aussi 
le presser de se mettre au hazard d'un refus dans une matiere si impor- 
tante, et pour le succes de la quelle il est de sa prudence de prendre des 
mesures bien justes. Je croirois neanmoins qu'a-present que le Parlement 
paroit dispose a ne lui rien refuser, soit que la seulfe affection le fasse 



xcvi APPENDIX. 

agir, ou que la crainte y soit melee, ce Prince feFoit tres-sagement d'en 
profiter, et d'en tii-er ce qu'il desire en faveur de notre religion, sans leur 
donner le temps de se reconnoitre, et de concerter avec ceux qui sont le plus 
animes centre notre religion ce qu'ils auront a faire pour en empecher le 
progres ; et si le Roy prenoit ce parti la, et qu'il trouvat quelque obstacle 
qu'il ne put vaincre qu'avec mon assistance, je la lui accorderois volontiers, 
aussitot que vous m'auriez informe de ses besoins. Mais jusqu'a ce qu'il 
prenne cette resolution, et qu'il I'execute, mon intention n'est pas de rien 
changer aux ordres que je vous ai donnes ; et je veux que vous gardiez les 
fonds que je vous ai fait remettre, pour n'en disposer que lorsque je le 
jugerai necessaire. Cependant, si le Grand Tresorier d'Angleterre vous 
presse de lui faire quelque payement au-dela de I'ancien subside, vous lui 
direz seulement que, comme le Parlement se conduit selon mes soubaits et 
ceux du dit Roy, je n'ai pas sujet de croire que ce Prince puisse avoir 
besoin a-present d'une assistance extraordinaire, et qu'ainsi vous n'avez pas 
pouvoir de disposer de ce que vous avez de fonds. 

Je vous envoye la lettre de ma main que vous m'avez propose d'ecire 
au Roy tant sur la satisfaction que lui donne son Parlement, que sur ce 
qui regarde les mouvements d'Ecosse; et je desire que sur I'un et I'autre 
de ces points vous ne parliez qu'en conformite de ce que j'ecris au Roy, et 
de ce que contient cette depecbe, ne jugeant pas a-propos d'offrir ouverte- 
ment un secours de troupes a un Prince qui ne m'en demande point, et 
pour une affaire qu'il pent terminer par ses propres forces. 



Extrait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon an Roy. 

18 Juin, 1685, a Londres. 
1l y a des gens ici qui voudroient faire tomber sur la France k soup^on 
qu'on rejette sur la ville d' Amsterdam, comme s'il y avoit assez d'intelli- 
gence entre V. M. et cette ville pour presumer que tout ce qui s'y fait 
est de concert avec V. M. 

Le Roy d'Angleterre rejette avec aigreur et dedain ce qu'on dit en sa 
presence de I'interet qu'a V. M. d'entretenir les divisions en Angleterre. 
Ce Prince s'explique tout liaut que les rebelles sont soutenus et aides des 



APPENDIX. . xcvli 

Protestants zeles des autres pays, et traite de ridicule tout ce qui se dit 
d'oppose a cela. 

Je suis avec le profond respect que je dois, k.c. 



Le Hoy a M. Barillon. 

h Versailles^ le IS Juillet, 1685. 

JVloNsiEUR Barillon, j'ai recu vos lettres des deux et cinq de ce mois, 
et elles m'ont donne d'autant plus de satisfaction qu'elles ne me laissent 
aucun lieu de douter que le Roy de la Grande Bretagne n'ait la meme 
facllite a dissipper le peu qui reste de revokes en Angleterre, qu'il en a 
eu a punir la rebellion d'Ecosse ; et comme le Due de Monmouth a deja 
perdu ses vaisseaux, et n'a aucune ville considerable ou il se puisse retirer, 
il y a bien de I'apparence qu'il aura bientot le meme sort que le Comte 
d'Argile, et que son attentat aura serviarendre leRoy d'Angleterre beau- 
coup plus absolu dans son royaume qu'aucun de ses predecesseurs. 

J'apprends cependant qu' outre les trois regiments Anglois qu'il fait re^ 
venir d'Hollande le Prince d'Orange a encore demande pour lui aux Etats 
Generaux un secours de trois mille hommes ; que meme il en a fait 
demander a I'Electeur de Brandebourg ; et comme ilra'a paru jusqu'a-prc- 
sent, par tout ce que vous m'avez ecrit, que le Roy ne vouloit pas se servir 
de troupes etrang^res, pour ne point donner d'ombrage a ses sujets, je serai 
bien aise que vous me fassiez savoir si c'est par ses ordres que le Prince 
d'Orange a fait cette demande, celui-ci pouvant bien, pour ses fins particu- 
lieres, desirer d'avoir beaucoup de troupes en Angleterre qui lui seroient 
devouees, etdontil pourroit disposer ensuite contre les interets du dit Roy, 

Continuez aussi a m'informer exactement de tout ce qui se passera au 
lieu ou vous etes, dans une conjoncture si importante, et donner tous vos 
soins a en etre bien averti, et a m'en rendre un compte exact. 

Comme je vois avec plaisir que le Parlement d'Angleterre fournit ample- 
ment a tous les besoins du Roy de la Grande Bretagne, et que ce Prince 
ne trouvera pas meme d' obstacle au retablissement de la Religion Catho- 
lique, lorsqu'il voudra I'entreprendre, apres qu'il aura acheve de dissiper 



xcviii APPENDIX. 

le peu qui reste de revokes, j'ai juge a-propos de faire revenir les fonds que 
je vous avois fait remettre pour appuyer, en cas de besoin, les desseins que 
ce Prince voudroit former en faveur de notre religion. Ainsi mon inten- 
tion est que, si cet argent est dans votre maison, vous le fassiez remettre a 
plusieurs fois entre les mains des banquiers avee le meme secret qu'ils i'y 
ont porte, et s'il se peut, d'une maniere encore plus impenetrable, voulant 
que, soit qu'il soit demeure entre les mains des dits banquiers ou chez vous, 
il soit renvoye par les memes vo'ies, et remis en mon epargne, jusqu'a ce 
que je juge necessaire de i'employer en faveur du Roy d'Angleterre. 



M. de Barillon au Roy. 

16 Juillet, 1685, a Londres. 
Je n'ai pu, apres la separation du Parlement, differer de m'expliquer a 
Milord Grand Tresorier sur les instances qu'il m'a faites de continuer les 
payements du subside. Je lui ai dit que je ne pouvois disposer des fonds 
qui avoient ete envoyes ici, sans avoir de nouveaux ordres ; que ces fonds 
etoient destines pour les plus pressants besoins du Roy d'Angleterre, et 
que ce besoin pressant ne paroissoit pas presentement, apres que le Parle- 
ment avoit accorde des sommes fort considerables pour I'augmentation de 
ses revenus pendant plusieurs annees, et avoit meuie accorde un subside 
extraordinaire, dont I'avantage pouvoitetre re^u des-a-present par emprunt. 
Je me doutois bien que ce discours ue plairoit point au Grand Tresorier. 
II me parut fort surpris, et me fit entendre qu'il ne pouvoit s'imaginer 
quelle raison V. M. avoit de faire cesser le payement de sommes envoyees 
ici dans le temps auquel le Roy son maitre en avoit le plus de besoin, et 
lorsqu'il s'attendoit de recevoir plus de marques de I'amitie de V. M. ; qu'il 
etoit vrai que le Parlement avoit accorde des droits pendant plusieurs 
annees, outre le revenu, mais que ce qui s'en pouvoit tirer n'etoit pas pre- 
sent, et que si on consumoit ces fonds par avance, le Roy son maitre se 
trouveroit k I'avenir tres-mal dans ses aflfaires ; ce qu'il ne pouvoit eviter 
avec trop de soin, connoissant en quel embarras se jette un Roy d'Angle- 
terre qui a un grand besoin de son Parlement, qu'il ne croyoit pas que 



APPENDIX. xci3c 

V. M. fut pleinement informee de ce qui se passe en Angleterre presente- 
ment ; et que dans le temps qu'il y a une guerre civile allumee dans le 
coeur du royaume, et lorsque le Roy son maitre a besoin non seulement de 
ses forces, mais du secours de tous ceux qui prennent interet a sa conserva- 
tion, V. M. veuille retrancher les subsides qu'elle a fournis dans le temps 
qu'il en avoit moins de besoin, et lorsque ce retranchement n'auroit pl[i 
etre d'aucune consequence ; au lieu que dans la conjoncture presente les 
secours de V. M. sont non seulement utiles, mais necessaires. Enfin, ce 
ministre n'omit rien pour me faire connoitre que ce que je lui avois dit 
etoit un contretemps dont il ne pouvoit penetrer le motif, ne croyant pas 
que V. M. eut change de sentiments pour le Roy son maitre, ni qu'il voulut 
(quand cela seroit) le faire paroitre en une occasion comme celle-ci. 

Je fis mon possible pour expliquer a ce Ministre que V. M. avoit sim- 
plement juge que le Roy d' Angleterre etoit en etat de n'avoir aucun besoin 
de secours de dehors ; que la revoke du Comte d'Argile avoit dure si pea 
qu'on ne pouvoit la regarder que comme un effort inutile du parti des fac- 
tieux, qui n'avoit eu aucune suite ; qu'on ne s'imaginoit pas non plus en 
France que I'entreprise de M. le Due de Monmouth put avoir aucun succes, 
et qu'on s'attendoit tous les jours d'apprendre que ses troupes se seroient 
dissippees, et qu'il auroit ete pris ou qu'il se seroit sauve ; que V. M. avoit 
temoignc son amitie au Roy d' Angleterre, en envoyant si prompteraent des 
fonds pour ses plus pressants besoins, et qu'elle les reservoit aussi pour 
une occasion qui ne paroit pas arrivee. 

Le Grand Tresorier me repliqua qu'il n'arriveroit jamais, du regne du 
Roy son maitre, une occasion si pressante que celle-ci, et qu'il ne pouvoit 
s'imaginer que V. M. sachant bien ce qui se passe ici, lui voulut laisser 
demeler une affaire si decisive sans lui donner de nouvelles marques de son 
amitie. Au sortir de chez^e Grand Tresorier, je fus trouver le Roy d' An- 
gleterre, pour le prevenir, et empecher que le Grand Tresorier ne lui ex- 
pliquat ce que je lui avoit dit d'une fa^on qui I'auroit plus aigri et plus 
aigri que je ne ferois. Je fis souvenir ce Prince de toutes les marques 
d'amitie qu'il a revues de V. M. dans tous les temps, et de la promptitude 
avec laquelle V. M. lui a fait connoit»e la sincerite de ses intentions, pour 
le soutenir lors de son avenement a la couronne. Je lui fis connoitre que 



« APPENDIX. 

rien ne pouvoit diminuer les sentiments de V. M. a son egard qu'un 
changement de conduite de sa part, que je croyois qui n'arriveroit jamais ; 
qu'ainsi il pouvoit s'assurer d'une amitie ferme et constante de la part de 
V. M. dont il recevroit des marques eclatantes et essentielles, quand les 
occasions s'en presenteroient ; que cependant, V. M. croyoit les affaires de 
ses finances en si bon elat, qu'elle n'avoit pas estime qu'il eut besoin pre- 
sentement de nouveaux secours, et que ce qu'il avoit recu du Parlementle 
mettoit en pouvoir de soutenir de plus grandes depenses que celles qu'il 
etoit oblige de faire. 

Le Roy d'Angleterre me parut assez embarrasse, et s'imagina d'abord 
que V. M. etoit mecontente de sa conduite, et vouloit, en quelque fa^on, 
renoncer a son amitie. Je lui dit que je ne savois rien qui eut rapport ace 
qu'il me disoit; que seulement il etoit vrai que je n'avoit point d'ordre de 
continuer les payements au-dela de I'ancien subside; que V. M. m'avoit ce- 
pendant ordonne de I'assurer que les fonds qu'elle avoit envoyes ici, seroient 
reserves pour le secourir dans un pressant besoin, et que s'il entreprenoit 
d'etablir I'exercice libre de la religion en faveur des Catholiques, et qu'il y 
trouvat des difficultes dont il ne put venir a bout sans le secours de V. M. 
elle employeroit tout le fonds qui est ici pour le secourir et pour I'aider; 
qu'il pouvoit voir par la les intentions de V. M., et la sincerite de sa con- 
duite. Ce que je dis remit, en quelque fa^on, I'esprit de ce Prince, qui me 
parut d'abord fort agitc. 

II me repondit a ce que je venois de lui dire, que je connoissois le fonds 
de ses intentions pour I'etablissement de la religion Catholique ; qu'il 
n'esperoit en venir a bout que par I'assistance de V. M. ; que je voyois 
qu'il venoit de donner des emplois dans ses troupes aux Catholiques aussi 
bien qu'aux Protestants; que cette egalite fachoit beaucoup de gens, mais 
qu'il n'avoit pas laisse passer une occasion si importante sans s'en prevaloir; 
qu'il feroit de meme a I'egard des choses praticables, et que je voyois plus 
clair sur cela dans ses desseins que ses propres ministres, s'en etant souvent 
ouvert avec moi sans reserve. II ajouta, que j'etois temoin de son attache- 
ment pour la personne de V. M., et de Tenvie sincere qu'il avoit de ne se 
jamais separer de ses interets ; qu'il avoit plus compte sur I'assistance de 
V. M. et sur son amitie, que sur aucune autre chose au monde, et qu'il ne 



APPENDIX. ci 

croyoit pas que V. M. voulut dans la conjoncture presente cesser des sub- 
sides dont il avoit plus de besoin qu'il n'en aura de sa vie. 

Je repon^is ^ cela que V. M. n'avoit point change de sentiment, et 
qu'elle jugeoit seulement qu'il n'avoit pas besoin des memes assistances, 
ayant ete mis par le Parlement en etat de s'en passer. Je me contentai 
d'avoir entame la matiere et d'y avoir mele Taffaire de la religion, dans 
la quelle le Grand Tresorier n'entre part fort avant, quelque credit qu'il 
ait dans les autres choses. J'informai Milord Sunderland de ce qui se 
passoit, afin qu'il fut prepare, quand le Roy son maitre lui parleroit. 11 
m'a dit : " Le Roy votre maitre peut avoir des desseins que je ne penetre 
pas ; mais ceci est un contre-temps auquel j'espere qu'on remediera, en 
faisant voir que c'est une meprise fondee sur ce qu'on n'a pas ete pleine- 
ment informe de ce qui se passe dans ce pays-ci ; autrement vous donneriez 
des armes a ceux qui veulent rompre I'union des deux Rois. Si Ton ne 
s'en soucie pas en France, je n'ai rien a dire ; mais si on fait quelque cas 
de nous, je sais bien que vous pouvez etre assure du Roy d'Angleterre pour 
toujours ; et que ses desseins, et ses intentions, ne peuvent reussir qu'avec 
I'assistance et I'amitie du Roy votre maitre." 

J'expliquai a Milord Sunderland ce que j'avois dit au Grand Tresorier, 
et a sa Majeste Britannique, du bon etat des finances et du peu de besoin 
qu'on a ici du secours de dehors. II me repliqua: " Vous voyez a quelles 
depenses Ton s'engage, et ce qu'il faudra pour les soutenir; vous savez ce 
que coutent des troupes qu'il faut entretenir, et ce que c'est qu'une guerre 
civile dans le dedans, qu'on ne peut s'assurer de voir sitot finir; mais pour 
le present on n'est pas ici en etat de se passer du secours du Roy votre 
maitre, et je ne crois pas qu'il puisse faire de depense qui lui soit plus 
utile." 

J'ai eu une seconde conference avec le Roy d'Angleterre dans son 
cabinet, ou nous fumes longtemps seuls. II me parut persuade que le refus 
de continuer le payement vient de ce que V. M. croit qu'il est en etat de se 
passer de secours etrangers. II entra sur cela dans le detail de ses affaires, 
et me dit que je savois en quel desordre le feu Roy son frere avoit laisse 
ses magazins et ses vaisseux ; que les droits d'augmentation qui lui avoient 
ete accordes pourroient a-peine etre suffisants pour remettre une flotte 



cii APPENDIX. 

mediocre en etat de tenir Ja mer ; que le dernier secours accorde par le 
Parlement seroit consomme par avance pour I'entretien des troupes, dont 
il ne se pouvoit passer a I'avenir, connoissant le peu de fonds qu'il peut 
faire sur les milices ; que les charges du gouvernement etoient telles (sans 
compter que la guerre civile peut durer) qu'il n'auroit de sa vie plu§ de 
besoin d'etre assiste qu'il en a presentement ; que je le connoissois assez 
pour savoir qu'il seroit fort aise d'etre attache et uni a V. M- sans avoir 
besoin d'un secours d'argent; et qu'il se feroit un grand plaisir de pouvoir 
meriter d'autres marques de son amitie ; mais que dans la conjoncture pre- 
sente les secours de V. M. lui etoient necessaires, et qu'il ne croyoit pas 
que V. M. voulut reserver pour d'autres temps le secours qu'elle a destine 
pour lui, n'y ayant pas d'apparence qu'il puisse arriver de conjoncture oii 
il en puisse avoir un plus grand besoin ; que je connoissois le fond de 
ses desseins, et que je pouvois repondre que tout son but etoit d'etablir la 
religion Catholique ; qu'il ne perdroit aucune occasion de le faire ; qu'il 
avoit arrae les Catholiques en Irlande ? que Milord Dumbarton avoit eu le 
commandement de son armee d'Ecosse; que le Due de Gordon avoit ete 
mis a la tete des milices ; que presentement il mettoit les charges de guerre, 
autant qu'il pouvoit dans les mains des Catholiques d'Angleterre ; que 
c'etoit en quelque fa^on lever le masque, mais qu'il n'avoit pas voulu laisser 
passer I'occasion de le faire, la croyanL decisive ; qu'il savoit combien de 
gens en etoient cheques, mais qu'il iroit son chemin, et que rien ne Ten 
detourneroit, pourvuque votre Majeste veuillel'assisterdans un si grand et 
si glorieux dessein ; que deja le regiment de dragons d'Hamilton etoit com- 
pose entierement de Catholiques ; qu'il avoit donne des compagnies de 
cavalerie franches a Bernard Howard, et a plusieurs Catholiques consi- 
derables ; que peu-a-peu il va a son but, et que ce qu'il fait presentement 
emporte necessairement I'exercice libre de la religion Catholique, qui se 
trouvera etabli avant qu'un acte de Parlement I'autorise ; que je connoissois 
assez I'Angleterre pour savoir que la possibilite d'avoir des emplois et des 
charges fera plus de Catholiques, que la permission de dire des messes pub- 
liquement; que cependant il s'attendoit que V. M. ne I'abandonneroit pas, 
quand il a un ennemi dans le milieu de son royaume qui lui dispute la cou- 
ronne; et qu'il est favorise secretement d'un grand nombre de gens qui 



APPENDIX. ciii 

sont plutot pour la pretention d'un Batard Protestant que pour leur Roy 
legitime parce qu'il est Catholique, 

J'ai eu aussi 4eux autres conferences avec Milord Tresorier et avec 
Milord Sunderland separement. Milord Tresorier me repeta ce qu'il 
m'avoit dit, et me fit comprendre qu'il savoit bien que le Roy son maitre 
seroit fort aise de n' avoir point besoin d'un secours d'argent; que dans un 
autre temps, il n'auroit pas repljque a ce que j'avois dit, et qu'on auroit songe 
a donner et a recevoir des marques d'amitie reclproques de V. M. ; mais 
qu'il ne me falloit pas celer que leRoy son maitre avoit besoin des secours 
presents de V. M. et que ce n'est pas une obligation qu'il voulut lui avoir, 
si son dessein n'etoit d'en conserver une reconnoissance proportionnee au 
fait ; que le bonheur et lasurete du regne duRoy son maitre dependoit de 
I'amitie de V. M. , qu'il la conserveroit avec soin, et que je pouvois etre assure 
qu'a son egard (de lui qui me parloit) il ne croyoit rien de si important au 
Roy son maitre, que de conserver I'amitie de V. M., et que rien ne lui 
pouvoit faire tant de mal que d'en etre prive. 

Je ne repondis a cela que des choses generales, et que V. M. avoit donne 
assez de marques de I'envie qu'elle a que les affaires du Roy d'Angleterre 
soient dans un etat avantageux et assure. 

Milord Sunderland est entre fort avant avec moi, et m'a paru informe a 
fonds de ce qui s'est passe entre le Roy d'Angleterre et moi, sur le sujet de 
la Religion Catholique. Ce ministre m'a dit, " Je ne sais pas si on voit 
en France les choses comme elles sont ici ; me je defie ceux qui les voyent 
de pres de ne pas connoitre que le Roy mon maitre n'a rien dans le coeur 
si avant que I'envie d'etablir la Religion Catholique; qu'il ne pent meme, 
selon le bon sens et la droite raison, avoir d'autre but, que sans cela il ne 
sera jamais en surete, et sera toujours expose au zele indiscret de ceux qui 
echaufferont les peuples contre la Catholicite, tant qu'elle ne sera pas plus 
pleinement etablie : il y a une autre chose certaine, c'est que ce plan la ne 
pent reussir que par un concert et une liaison etroite avec le Roy votre 
maitre; c'est un projet qui ne peut convenir qu'a lui, ni reussir que par 
lui. Toutes les autres Puissances s'y opposeront ouvertement, ou le tra- 
verseront sous main. On sait bien que cela ne convient point au Prince 
d'Orange ; mais il ne sera pas en etat de Tempecher si on veut se conduire 



civ APPENDIX. 

en France comme il est necessaire, c'esta-dire, manager ramitie du Roy 
d'Angleterre, et le soutenir dans son projet. Je vois clairement I'appre- 
hension que beaucoup degens ont d'une liaison avec la France, et les eflforts 
qu'on fait pour I'afFoiblir; mais cela ne sera au pouvoir de personne, si 
on n'en a pas envie en France; c'est sur quoi il faut que vous vous expli- 
quiez netteraent, et que vous fassiez connoitre que le Roy votre maitre, 
vent aider de bonne foi le Roy d'Angleterre a etablir fermement ici la 
religion Calholique." 

II ajouta a cela, qu'il avoit eu un long entretien avec sa Majeste Britan- 
nique, et qu'il I'avoit laissee persuadee que le refus de continuer les 
payements n'etoit fonde sur aucun changement de V. M. a son egard, 
mais sur une supposition qu'il est en etat de n'en avoir pas besoin ; que 
cependant, il etoit possible de rectifier cet incident, si on ne vouloit pas 
que le Roy d'Angleterre crut qu'apres I'avoir assiste, quand il n'en avoit 
pas grand besoin, votre Majeste I'abandonne dans la conjoncture de sa vie 
la plus importante ; que peut-etre V. M. avoit quelque egard au bruit 
repandu d'une reunion entre le Roy d'Angleterre et le Prince d'Orange ; 
que dans le fonds il n'y avoit rien de plus difficile ; que I'un etoit posses- 
seur d'une couronne que I'autre attend avec impatience ; que la difference 
de leur religion et de leur sentiments en tout, ne promet pas qu'ils se re- 
unissent de bonne foi ; qu'ils sont obliges I'un et I'autre de dissimuler, et 
de garder les bienseances, mais que leurs desseins et leurs projets sont trop 
opposes pour se pouvoir concilier ; que lui qui me parloit voyoit tout cela 
clairement, et que si onse vouloit donner la peine de le bien examiner, on 
verroit au travers de tout ce qui se passe, un fonds de jalousie et de me- 
contentement entre le Roy d'Angleterre etle Prince d'Orange que rien ne 
pent faire cesser ; que sa Majeste Britannique ne lui permettroit jamais 
de venir ici, et que le Prince d'Orange avoit toujours envie d'y venir, et 
de se montrer aux Anglois. 

Je dis a Milord Sunderland, que, par beaucoup de choses, on donnoit 
lieu de juger que le Roy d'Angleterre etoit fort adouci pour le Prince 
d'Orange, et que cela produisoit un assez mechant effet partout, parce que 
le Prince d'Orange agissoit toujours avec la mcme animosite contre les 
interets de la France ; que je comprenois assez que I'interet de sa Majeste 



APPENDIX. cv 

Britannique n'etoit pas de pousser le Prince d'Orange au point de le mettre 
du parti des rebelies, mais le trop de menagement le mettroit en etat d'etre 
plus dangereux, et de pouvoir nuire d'avantage aux affaires; que pour moi, 
je ne me laissois pas seduire aux artifices des partisans de M. le Prince 
d'Orange, et que j'etois fort persuade que le Roy d'Angleterre connoissoit 
trop bien son interet pour se separer de ceux de V. M. et prendre des 
liaisons qui lui sont opposees, et que de ma part, je ferois mon possible pour 
bien eclaircir la verite a V. M 

J'eus encore hier au soir une conversation avec le Roy d'Angleterre ; 
il me pressa de rendre compte a votre Majeste de tout ce qu'il m'a dit, et 
me parut s'attendre que V. M. me donnera des ordres differents de ceux 
que j'ai, et qu'elle ne lui refusera pas un secours present dans le temps 
qu'il en a tant de besoin. II me dit que si V. M. avoit quelque chose a 
desirer de lui, il iroit au-devant de tout ce qui peut plaire a V. M. ; mais 
que rien ne le pouvoit toucher plus sensiblement que de voir que V. M. eut 
de la confiance en lui, et ne crut pas qu'il voulut recevoir ses secours et 
son assistance, s'il n'etoit resolu de demeurer inviolablement attache a ses 
interets ; qu'il avoit ete eleve en France, et mange le pain de V. M. ; que son 
coeur etoit Francois ; qu'il ne songeoit qu'a se rendre digne de I'estime de 
V. M. et qu'elle ne se repentiroit pas de I'avoir assiste, et de lui avoir 
affermi la couronne sur la tete. 

Je lui dis que je rendroit compte a V. M. de tout, le plus exactement qu'il 
me seroit possible ; que le fonds de ses intentions m'etoit connu, et que 
V. M. avoit pour principal motif I'etablissement de la religion Catholique; 
qu'en faisant voir clair sur cela a V. M. je ne doutois pas qu'elle n'entrat 
dans les mesures qu'il pouvoit attendre. 

Le Roy d'Angleterre me dit qu'il avoit parle plus clairement sur cela a 
Milord Sunderland, qu'aux autres ministres, que je pouvois en conferer 
avec lui. II finit en me disant : " Je conjure le Roy votre maitre de se 
fier a moi, et de ne croire pas que j'aie un autre but que celui que je vous 
ai dit, auquel je ne puis parvenir que par son secours et son assistance. 

Voila, Sire, ce qui s'est passe avec le Roy d'Anglettere et ses ministres, 
sur quoi il plaira a V. M. de me donner ses ordres ; s'ils sont tels qu'on les 
espere ici, et que je puisse continuer les payements du subside, il dependra 

o 



cvi APPENDIX. 

de V. M. d'entrerdans de plus grands engagements, et de jeter les fonde- 
ments d'une liaison etroite qui puisse durer longtemps, et dans laquelle 
V. M. pourra trouver ses avantages, selon qu'elle I'estimera a-propos. 
Mais il me paroit que, pendant la negociation, il seroit necessaire de con- 
tinuer quelques payements, a moins que V, M. ne se determinat a donner 
toiit le fonds qui est ici, ce qui combleroit de joie le Roy d'Angleterre, lant 
pour I'utilite presente qu'il en recevroit, que par la surete qu'il croiroit avoir 
de I'amitie de V. M. Je ne doute pas qu'en ce cas il ne prit toutes les reso- 
lutions qui pourroient etre le plus avantageuses a la religion Catholique, et 
qu'il ne les executat ; mais outre cela il prendroit, autant que je le puis 
juger, tons les engagements que V. M. pourroit desirer sur les affaires du 
dehors. Jai connu dans tout ce qui m'a ete dit, qu'il seroit fort perilleux 
au Roy d' Angleterre d'etre mal avec V. M., il le seroit encore plus qu'on 
ne sel'imagine; et le parti oppose a la royaute en Angleterre est si nom- 
breux, et les semences de division dans les esprits sont si fortes, que sans 
Tamitie de V. M., il seroit fort difficile que le Roy d'Angleterre eut un 
regne paisible et heureux. J'ai cru voir dans tout ce qui m'a ete dit par 
ce Prince, une envie fort sincere d'etre etroitement uni a V. M : s'ii avoit 
dessein de s'en separer, il ne presseroit pas si vivement pour un secours pre- 
sent, et se contenteroit de demeurer dans un etat de bienseance avec V. M. 
sans desirer une ligue si etroite. Je crois aussi connoitre en lui un dessein 
forme pour I'etablissement de la religion Catholique, qui ne sera interrompu 
ni retarde, que lorsqu'il ne pourra surmonter les obstacles qui s'y ren- 
contreront, Mais il travaillera tous les jours a en venir a bout ; c'est a 
quoi il voit bien que V. M. seule pent I'aider. 

Le Parlement a temoigne beaucoup d'eloignement de consentir a tout ce 
qui auroit pu efre tire a consequence en faveur des Catholiques : leur pre- 
mier mouvement a ete de les poursuivre et d'executer les loix contre eux. lis 
s'en sont departis, mais contre leur sentiment, et par un coup d'autorite 
qui ne reussiroit pas toujours. Le Bill de la restitution de Milord Stafford 
est demeure dans la Chambre des Communes, sans etre admis, parce que 
dans le preambule il y a eu des mots inseres qui semblent favoriser la re- 
ligion Catholique ; cela seule a retarde cet acte de rehabilitation du Comte 
de Stafford dont tous sont d'accord a I'egard du fonds. Dans le dernier 



APPENDIX. evil 

Bill que la Chambre des Communes a resolu pour la surete de la personne 
du Roy d'Angleterre, il a ete mis expressement qu'il seroit permis aux 
ministres de precher, et aux zfutres de parler contre le Papisme. La Reine 
en a marque beaucoup d'animosite et d'aigreur; et le Roy d'Angleterre a 
mieux aime que cet acte ne fut point passe, quoiqu'il contint beaucoup 
d'autres choses tres-avantageuses pour le gouvernement. Cela meme 
(autant que j'en puis juger) a avance la separation du Parlement. 

Je fais ces remarques afin que V. M. observe que le Roy d'Angleterre 
n'a pas ete en etat ni en pouvoir d'etablir I'exercice libre de la Religion 
Catholique. II n'auroit pu le tenter sans s'exposer non seulement a un refus, 
mais a quelque chose de pire, c'est-a-dire, que cela auroit pu empecher les 
secours d'argent qui lui ont ete accordes par le Parlement. Cependantle 
Roy d'Angleterre fait, ce me semble, tout ce qui est en lui en faveur des 
Catholiques, leur accordant les principaux emplois de guerre, et mettant 
dans les charges subalternes tous ceux qui se presentent. II est difficile 
d'exprimer combien on a trouve a redire ici que Milord Dombarton ait ete 
fait general de toutes les troupes en Ecosse, et que M. Talbot ait eu la 
direction sur toutes celles d'Irlande. On voit qu'insensiblement les Ca- 
tholiques auront les armes a la main ; c'est un etat bien different de I'op- 
pression oil ils etoient, et dont les Protestants zeles regoivent une grande 
mortification: ils voyent bien que le Roy d'Angleterre fera le reste quand 
il le pourra. La levee des troupes, qui seront bientot complettes, fait 
juger que le Roy d'Angleterre veut etre en etat de se faire obeir, et de 
n'etre pas gene par les loix qui se trouveront contraires a ce qu'il veut 
etablir. Toutes ces vues ne s'accordent pas avec des liaisons opposees aux 
interets de V. M. 

Je sais bien ce qui se dit dans les pays etrangers, et que le bruit y est 
fort repandu d'une reunion secrette entre le Roy d'Angleterre et le Prince 
d'Orange. J'ai toute I'application que je dois pour penetrerce qui se passe a 
cet egard : mais je n'ai rien connu qui aille au-deia de ce que le Roy d'An- 
gleterre est oblige de faire pour ne pas jeter ouvertement le Prince d'Orange 
dans le parti de ses ennemis, ce qui ne seroit pas prudent dans la conjoncture' 
presente. II etoit naturel de retirer d'Hoilande les troupes composees 
de sujets de sa Majeste Britannique, pour avoir un prompt secours. 



cviii APPENDIX. 

M. d'Avaux m'a mande, par sa derniere lettre, qu'on lui avoit donne 
avis que Skelton a demande des troupes de I'Electeur de Brandebourg 
au Sieur Fuches. J'al approfondi ce bruit, auquel il n'y a aucun fondement. 
C'est sans doute un artifice du Prince d'Orange pour faire croire a I'Elec- 
teur de Brandebourg, qu'il auroit inspire au Roy d'Angleterre d'avoir re- 
cours a lui. 

Je crois aussi peu de fondement a ce qu'on pretend qui a ete dit a la Have 
d'un mecontentement secret que le Roy d'Angleterre a contre la France, 
et qui eclatera en son temps. Si cela etoit, on ne le confieroit pas a un 
des commis de Milord Middleton: cela n'a aucune vraisemblance, et dans 
le temps qu'on I'a dit, le Roy d'Angleterre ne savoit pas que les pave- 
ments seroient sursis, et etoit pleinement content de V. M. 

II est encore aussi peu apparent que Bentem ose parler au Roy d'Angleterre 
sur la religion Catholique. V. M. jugera si ce Prince se laissera ebranler 
sur cette matiere, et si quelqu'un lui osera faire la proposition de changer de 
religion sans lui deplaire beaucoup. Le fond de la mission de Bentem a 
ete apparemment pour obtenir la permission au Prince d'Orange de venir. 
Le Roy d'Angleterre m'a dit qu'il I'avoit refuse, et qu'il le refuseroit tou- 
jours. V. M. pent avoir des connoissances certaines de ce qui se 'passe 
partout; mes vues sont bornees a ce qui se passe ici. Mais il paroit que 
la plupart des choses qui se debitent en Hollande sont fausses, et qu'on 
y raisonne sur des fondements entierement eloignes de la verite. 

Pour roe renfermer dans le fait dont il est question presentement, je rae 
tiendrai en etat d'executer les ordres que V. M. me donnera : il me sufiBt 
d'avoir expose a V. M. les choses comme elles me paroissent etre en ce 
pays-ci. II me reste a lui rendre un compte exact, autant que je le pourrai, 
de I'etat de I'afTaire de M. le Due de Monpiouth. On ne sait pas au vrai 
ce qu'il a de gens : on dit a Londres vingt niiile hommes : je crois qu'il 
en a bien huit au dix, dont il y en a six raille assez bien armes ; le reste ne 
Test pas suffisamment pour un jour de combat. 11 est constant que jusques 
a-present ses forces se sont toujours augmentees; et il semble que Ton 
n'ait pas agi contre lui avec la promptitude et la vigueur qui auroient ete 
iiecessaires pour finir d'abord une affaire dont les suites peuvent etre dan- 
gereuses. Mais le petit nombre de troupes de sa Majeste Britannique n'a 



APPENDIX. cix 

pas ete sufEsant pour pouvoir d'abord tomber sur M. de Monmouth, et 
empecher ses premiers progres. II auroit fallu dcgarnir Londres, ce qui 
auroit ete fort imprudent ; car les esprits sont en une telle disposition, 
que le moindre incident pourroit y causer de grands desordres. On y a 
fait arreter plus de 200 personnes suspectes, parmi lesquelles il y a plu- 
sieurs riches marchandes et d'autres gens riches et considerables. Cela 
cause une grande alteration dans les esprits, et beaucoup d'interruption 
dans le commerce. Le peuple favorise secretement M. de Monmouth, et 
cela eclateroit, s'il arrivoit une occasion qui leur permit de se pouvoir de- 
clarer sans grand peril. Le Roy d'Angleterreconnoit bien cela, et est fort 
resolu de ne point quitter Londres pour aucune consideration. 

Le bruit a couru depuis quelques jours, que Milord Delamer etoit alle 
en Chester Shire (c'est au-dela du pays de Galles), et qu'il avoit com- 
mence d'y assembler des gens en faveur de M. de Monmouth. On a dit 
aussi, sur ce que Milord Grey de Stanford ne paroissoit plus, qu'il etoit alle 
faire la meme chose dans le Nord. Je ne vois point encore de fondement 
solide a ces bruits ; mais il est certain que si on remuoit en quelque endroit 
d'Angleterre, Taffaire de M. de Monmouth deviendroit bien plus difficile, 
parce qu'il faudra separer les, troupes qu'a le Roy d'Angleterre ; car on ne 
pent faire aucun fond sur les milices, qui sont plutot disposees a favoriser 
M. de Monmouth que le parti du Roy. Les nouvelles qu'on eut hier sont, 
que M. de Monmouth, apres avoir pris et pille la ville de Wells, est alle a 
Bridgewater, qu'il pretend fortifier ; c'est un poste ou I'on dit qu'il peut 
subsister commodement, ayant derriere lui un pays fort abondant, et 
rempli de factieux ; on dit meme qu'il ne pourra etre attaque dans Bridge- 
water, qu'en separant les troupes, et faisant des ponts de communication 
sur la riviere, qui est fort large en cet endroit. Cela demande du temps, 
et plus de troupes reglees que n'en a Milord Fergusson [Feversham] 
sous son coramandement. Les trois regiments Ecossois sont passes dans 
Londres pour Taller joindre. Le Sieur Lasnis aura dans peu de jours un 
regiment de 600 chevaux en etat de marcher. Les trois regiments Anglois 
sont dans la riviere, et marcheront aussi vers I'armee. Tout cela ensemble 
pourra faire sept mille hommes dans douze ou quinze jours. 

Jusques a-present Milord Fergusson [Feversham] n'a pas ete en etat de 



ex APPENDIX. 

rien entreprendre de for t vigoureux centre M. de Monmouth. La perte des 
Royalistes a ete plus grande qu'on ne I'a dit dans la rencontre arrivee k 
Philip's-Norton ; il y eut bien cent hommes tues ou blesses a I'endroit ou 
le Due de Grafton s'avan^a. II est constant que le Due de Monmouth 
subsiste avec facilite, etque les peuples lui fournissent des vivres plus vo- 
lontiers qu'aux troupes de sa Majeste Britannique. 

Le Comte d'Argile a ete execute a Edinbourg, et a laisse une ample 
confession par ecrit, dans laqnelle il decouvre tous ceux qui I'ont secouru 
d'argent, et qui ont aide ses desseins : cela lui a sauve la question. Le che- 
valier Cochrane et son fils, qui etoient les principaux complices du Comte 
d'Argile, ont ete arretes dans une maison ou ils s'etoient refugies. II y a 
encore beaucoup de gens a Londres qui ne croyent pas que Milord 
d'Argile soit pris. 

Je suis, avec le profond respect que je dois, 8cc. 



Le Roi a M. Barillon. 

d Versailles, le 26 Juillet, I685. 
IVloNSiEUR Barillon, j'ai re^u vos lettres du 16 et 19 de ce mois, et 
j'ai vu avec bien de la jole, par la derniere, que la rebellion du Due de 
Monmouth a eu la meme fin que celle du Comte d'Argile, ainsi que je 
vous I'avois predit par toutes les lettres que je vous ai ecrites sur ce sujet. 
Vous temoignerez au Roy d'Angleterre la part que je prends a la satisfac- 
tion qu'il a d'avoir entierement dissipe par ses propres forces tout ce qui 
pouvoit troubler son regne, et retabli en meme temps ses revenus et son 
autorite a un plus haut point qu'aucun de ses predecesseurs ne les a pu 
porter. Je m'assure aussi qu'il n'y aura plus personne dans son royaume 
qui ose s'elever contre lui, et qu'il jouira aussi longtemps que je le sou- 
haite du plein repos qu'il s'est acquis. J'enverrai meme inces>samment M. 
le Marechal d'Humieres aupres de ce Prince, pour lui faire connoitre plus 
particulierement quels sout mes sentiments sur cet eveucment, et vous lui 
en pouvez cependant parler en conformite de ce que je vous ecris. 

Tout le reste de votre premiere lettre ne contenant rien qui ne tende a 



APPENDIX. cxi 

m'obliger de donner des secours d'argent au Roy, j'aurois cru que dans le 
bon etat ou sont a-present ses affaires, il seroit assez inutile de vous faire 
savoir sur cela mes sentiments. Mais comme je vois par votre derniere 
que vous insistez encore a ce que je vous laisse un fonds pour les besoins 
qui peuvent survenir a la Cour ou vous etes, je ne puis m'empecher de 
vous dire que j'ai ete extrement surpris de voir qu'apres vous avoir instruit 
de mes intentions par plusieurs de mes depeches, vous n'ayez pas entiere- 
ment desabuse les Ministres de la Cour ou vous etes de I'esperance qu'ils 
ont concue avec si peu de raison, que, dans le temps que le Roy leur 
maitre jouitd'un plus grand revenu qu'aucun de ses predecesseurs, je vou- 
drois encore epuiser mon epargne, et $acrifier, sans necessite, le fonds q;je 
je ne m'etois ote a moi-meme que pour donner au dit Roy des preuves plus 
extraordinaires de mon amitie, au cas que le mauvais etat de ses affaires 
I'eut oblige d'y avoir recours : elles sont, par la grace de Dieu, maintenant 
au point qu'il les pouvoit soubaiter, et ainsi je ne puis croire qu'on renou- 
velle dorenavant les memes instances. Mais si, coptre mon opinion, on 
vous faisoit encore de semblables sollicitations vous pouvez declarer nette- 
ment que je n'ai rien epargne pour vous donner moyen d'assister le Roy 
d'Angleterre, lorsque j'ai eu sujet d'apprehender que la religion Catho- 
lique dont il fait profession ne servit de pretexte aux factieux pour susciter 
de grands troubles dans son royaume et pour I'empecher de jouir des 
revenus qui expiroient par la mort du feu Roy ; mais qu'apres tant de 
satisfaction que son Parlement lui a donnee, la defaite entiere de ses en 
nemis, ou plutot de ses sujets rebelles (revokes) et le retablissement de son 
autorite a un si haut point, j'ai cru avec raison qu'il ne pouvoit avoir aucun 
besoin de mon assistance, et que je pouvois employer aux autres depenses 
que j'ai a soutenir, le fonds que je lui avois destine, sans qii'il fut moins 
persuade de la sincerite de mon amitie ; que si neanmoins, contre toute 
apparence, et par quelque accident que je ne puis prevoir, il arrivoit qu'il 
eut un pressant besoin de mon assistance, il ne doit pas douter qu'il neme 
trouve toujours aussi dispose que je lui ai temoigne, a lui donner des 
preuves effectives de la part que je prends a tout ce qui le touche. 

Vous vous renfermerez a cette expression qui doit sufEre pour faire ces- 
ser des demandes d'argent d'autant moins soutenables dans la conjoncture 



€xii APPENDIX. 

presente, que la Cour ou vous etes sait bien que les conventions verbales 
que vous avez faites avec le feu Roy etoient expirees avant sa mort, et 
qu'encore que j'aie assez de raison de croire que s'il eut vecu d'avantage, 
ilauroit ete satisfait des subides que j'ai fait payer jusqu'a la fin de I'annee 
derniere, sans en pretendre d'avantage, neanmoins je n'ai pas hesite a 
vous promettre de payer 500,000 livres, qu'on considere au lieu ou vous 
etes comme reste de subside, lorsque j'ai pu croire que le Roy d'Angle- 
terre en avoit besoin. Enfin, vous voyez bien que mon intention est que 
vous ne laissiez a la Cour ou vous etes ancune esperance de tirer de vous 
le fonds qui est entre vos mains, et qu'au contraire vous devez le remettre 
incessamment en celles des banquiers, a6n qu'ils le fassent repasser dans 
mon royaume par toutes les occasions qu'ils en auront. 

Je m'assure que le dit Roy sera assez excite par sa reconnoissance envers 
la divine Providence des heureux succes qu'elle vient de lui donner, a 
retablir dans son royaume I'exercice de la vraie religion que nous pro- 
fessons, et vous devez aussi aider ces bons mouvements avec douceur et 
adresse dans toutes les occasions que vous aurez. 



Le Roy d M. Barillon. 

a Versailles, Aoui, I685. 

JVxoNsiEUR Barillon j'ai re^u vos lettres des 23 et 26 Juillet, qui 
m'informent seulement de tout ce qui s'est passe dans I'execution du Due 
de Monmouth, et comme il ne faut pas douter que cet exemple ne retienne 
3 1'avenir tons les sujets du Roy de la Grand Bretagne dans le devoir, et que, 
quand meme le nombre des mecontents ne seroit pas diminue, il ne s'en 
trouvera plus qui ose s'en rendre le chef, et s'elever contre I'autorite royale, 
il sera facile au Roy d'Angleterre, et aussi utile a la surete de son regne 
qu'au repos de sa conscience, de retablir I'exercice de la religion Catho- 
lique, qui engagera principalement tons ceux qui en font profession dans 
son royaume, a le servir bien plus fidelement, et avec beaucoup plus dt 
soumission qu'aucun autre de ses sujets ; au lieu que s'il laisse perdre une 
conjoncture aussi favorable qu'elle Test a present ; il ne trouvera peul-etre 
jamais tant de disposition de toutes parts ou a concourir a ses desseins, ou 



APPENDIX cxiii 

a souffrir qu'ii les execute. Vous devez neanmoins vous contenter d'aider 
le penchant qu'il y peut avoir, sans lui en faire des instances trop pres- 
santes qui pourroient etre plutot capables de retarder cette resolution que 
de I'avancer. 

Observez bien cependant, queiles sont les mesures qu'il prend avec le 
Prince d'Orange, et s'il ne se negocie pas quelque traite de nouvelle alliance 
entre le Roy et les Etats Generaux des Provinces Unies. 

J'apprends aussi deplusieurs endroits que les Espagnols comptent beau- 
coup sur le penchant que ce Prince temoigne a favoriser leurs interets, et 
vous devez bien prendre garde au traitement qu'il fait a I'Ambassadeur 
d'Espagne, si ce dernier a de plus frequents entretiens, ou avec le Roy ou 
avec ses Ministres, et s'il y a apparence a quelque renouveliement de traite 
entre I'Espagne et I'Angleterre. 

Tachez aussi d'etre bien exactement informe du nombre de troupes et 
de vaisseaux que ce Prince pretend d'entretenir, et a quoi il les destine. 
Enfin, vous devez dans cette conjoncture-ci, renouveller votre attention a 
tout ce qui se passe au^pays ou vous etes, et a m'en rendre un compte exact 
par toutes vos lettres. 



Le Roy a M. Barillon. 

d Versailles^ le 24 Aoui, 16 85. 
IVl. Barillon, vos lettres des 13 et 16 de ce mois m'informent de la 
resolution qu'a prise le Roy d'Angleterre de renouveller avec les Etats 
Generaux les traites d'alliance qu'ils avoient avec le feu Roy son frere, et 
de toutce qu'il vous a dit sur ce sujet. 

J'ai ete d'autant plus surpris de la conclusion de cette affaire qu'il ne 
m'a pas paru, dans toutes vos lettres, qu' on vous en ait donne aucune part; 
et je trouve que les ministres etrangers ont raison de ne le pas regarder comme 
une simple formalite, ainsi que la Cour ou vous etes veut vous le persuader. 
J'estime, au contraire, qu'elle jette par la le fondement d'une ligue qui 
peut donner courage a ceux qui ne peuvent souffrir le repos dont I'Europe 
jouit a-present ; que les Etats Generaux, qui vouloient demeurer dans une 

P 



cxiv APPENDIX. 

parfaite neutralite, ou plutot le Prince d'Orange et le Pensionnaire Fagel, 
parlent a-present d'un renouvellement d'alliance avec I'Empereur, le 
Roy d'Espagne, et celui de Suede ; que I'Electeur de Brandebourg est 
sur le point de conclure son traite avec eux, et que cette disposition ou le 
Roy d'Angleterre temoigne etre de renouveller les traites du feu Roy son 
frere, non seulement avec les Etats Generaux, mais meme avec I'Espagne, 
faite dire aux ministres de cette couronne, que ce Prince est deja entiere- 
ment dans leurs interets. On ajoute meme d'autant plus de creance aux 
bruits qu'ils en repandent, qu'on salt que le feu Roy d'Angleterre n'etoit 
entre dans ces engagements que pendant la mesintelligence qu'il y a eu 
entre moi et lui, et que I'amitie n'a pas ete plutot retablie par la conven- 
tion verbale que vous avez faite par mon ordre, qu'il a bien fait voir qu'il 
ne se tenoit plus oblige a ces traites, et qu'il etoit bien eloigne de les vouloir 
renouveller. Ainsi je ne comprends point par quel motif le Roy d'Angle- 
terre s'empresse si fort de rentrer dans le meme embarras, principalement 
dans un temps oii il voit bien que toUs mes desseins tendent a la conserva- 
tion de la paix, et qu'elle ne pent etre troublee que parde semblables com- 
mencements de ligue, qui ne peuvent, en quelque maniere que ce soit, con- 
venir a ses interets. Vous en pouvez meme encore parler dans ce sens, y 
ayant moins d'inconvenient de temoigner que je ne puis pas etre satisfait 
de cette resolution, que de la confirmer par un espoir d'acquiescement de 
ma part; et peut-etre que quand le Roy d'Angleterre verra qu'il me 
donne par la un juste sujet de mecontentement, ou il ne s'empressera plus 
de donner la derniere perfection a ce traite, ou il y apportera tant de 
modifications et de changements, qu'on ne le pourra plus regarder en effet 
que comme une simple formalite. Mais s'il desire effectivement de con- 
server mon amitie, il n'entrera dans aucun autre engagement qui puisse y 
etre contraire, soit directement ou indirectement. 

J'apprends aussi que le Parlement d'Angleterre a fait une nouvelle et 
forte imposition sur les denrees et marchandises etrangeres, qui entrent dans 
ce royaume. Vous ne manquerez pas de me faire savoir au plutot si cette 
imposition est generale, ou si elle se reduit aux sftules denrees et marchan- 
dises qui sont portees de mon royaume en Angleterre, et a combien elle 
se monte. 



APPENDIX. cxv 

Continuez a m'informer le plus exactement qu'il vous sera possible de 
tout ce qui se passe de plus considerable au lieu ou vous etes. 

Je suis suipris que vous ne fassiez aucune mention dans vos lettres du 
Comte de Sunderland, quoiqu'on ait ici plusieurs avis de son eloignement 
en Irlande en qualite de viceroy. Manclez-moi ce qui en est. Conservez 
ce qui vous reste de fonds entre les mains, sans en remettre aucune partie 
aux banquiers, jusqu'a ce qiieje vous aie donne de nouveaux ordres. 



Le Roy a M. Barillon. 

d Versailles, le 30 Aout, 16 85. 
JVl. Barillon quoique vos lettres des 20 et 23 de ce mois ne me parlent 
encore de la negociation qui se fait entre les commissaires du Roy d'An- 
gleterre et les Ambassadeurs des Etats Generaux, que comme d'une dis- 
position prochaine a un renouvellement de traite ; neanmoins les dernieres 
lettres du Sieur d'Avaux du 24 m'assurent que celles des dits Ambassadeurs 
qui venoient d'arriver d'Angleterre a la Haye, portoient qu'ils venoient 
de conclure I'acte de renouvellement de ces dits traites ; et la declaration 
que vous a faite le Comte de Sunderland, qu'on se garderoit bien de rien 
mettre dans le traite qui puisse engager le Roy d'Angleterre au-dela de ce 
que I'etoit le feu Roy son frere, est d'aulant moins considerable, qu'on sait 
bien que le defunt Roy n'avoit contracte ces obligations, que dans le temps 
qu'il n'etoit pas en bonne intelligence avec moi, et que depuis qu'elle a 
ete retablie, il ne leur a point donne d'autres intrepretations que celles que 
je pouvois desirer; au lieu que le Roy d'Angleterre a-present regnant, les 
renouvellant volontairement, et dans le temps que rien ne I'y oblige, les 
voudra executer a la lettre, et donnera moyen au Prince d'Orange d'en faire 
une ligue capable de troubler le repos de I'Europe. Quoiqu'il en soit, il n'est 
plus temps de faire des remontrances sur ce sujet, et vous ne devez plus 
les employer que pour empecher le renouvellement d'un traite avec I'Es- 
pagne, ou avec quelqu'autre Prince ou Etat que ce puisse etre. 

Le Marechal de Crequy est a-present aupres de moi, et quelque bruit 
qui se repande a la Cour oil vous etes sur mes desseins, vous pouvez assurer 



cxvi APPENDIX. 

le Roy d'Angleterre qu'ils ne tendent qu'4 afFermir le repos que les derniers 
traites ont retabli dans toute TEurope. 



Ex trait <Vune Lettre du Roi g, M. Barillon. 

d Char Ires, 4 Septembre, J 685. 
VJEPENDANT comme vous me faites entendre par Tun des articles de votre 
lettre, qu'il sera a mon pouvoir de renouveller avec ce Prince les memes liai- 
sons que j'avois avec le feu Roy son frere, et de les rendre encore plus fermes 
et plus assurees, je vous depeche ce courier pourvous avertir de bonne heure, 
que vous devez bien vous garder de vous engager dans aucune negociation 
sur ce sujet ; et que comme je vous ai assez fait connoitre par toutes mes 
depeches, et par celle ci, que je n'ai point d'autre dessein que de maintenir 
la paix dont toute I'Europe jouit apresent, j'ai lieu de croire aussi que 
dans le florissant etat ou j'ai mis toutes les affaires de mon royaume, non 
seulement le Roy d'Angleterre, par I'interet qu'il a pareillement a la con- 
servation de la tranquillite publique, mais aussi tous les autres Princes et 
Etats de I'Europe, seront bien aise qu'elle ne soit pas troublee, et qu'il n'y 
en aura point qui ose malgre raoi renouveller une guerre qui ne tourneroit 
qii'a son dommage, Ainsi il n'est pas necessaire de rentrer pour cet effet 
dans des liaisons avec TAugleteri e, qui ne se concluent jamais qu'a mes 
depens, et meme par des subsides capables de porter un grand prejudice 
aux affaires de mon royaume ; et toutes les fois qu'on vous fera de sem- 
blables propositions, vous devez seulement repondre, que je suis assez per- 
suade de I'amitie du Roy d'Angleterre, et qu'il a assez de sujet de faireun 
fondement certain sur la mienne, pour n'avoir pas besoin I'un et I'autre de 
nous en assurer par aucune traite- 



Le Roy a M. Barillon. 

d Chambord, le 13 Septembre, 1 68 5. 
JVloNsiEUR Barillon, le compte que vous me rendez par votre lettre 
du 3\ de I'entretien que vous avezeu avec le Roy d'Angleterre au sujet du 



APPENDIX. cxvii 

traite qu'il a renouvelle avec les Etats Generaux, ne m'oblige pas de vous 
donner d'autres ordres que ceux que vous avez regus par mes precedentes 
dep^ches, cest-a-dire, de ne plus temoigner de mecontentement de ce qui 
s'est passe, mais de profiter le plus adroitement qu'il vous sera possible de 
I'embarras ou Ton vous a t6moigne d'etre d'avoir conclu cette affaire avec 
trop de precipitation, pour empecher qu'on n'en fasse plus de semblables 
ni avec I'Espagne ni avec aucune autre Puissance. 

Je suis bien aise d'apprendre que le Roy d'Angleterre ait decouvert la 
nouvelle conspiration qui se formoit contre lui, et il me semble qu'elle 
doit servir a lui Faire connoitre qu'il s'en pourroit encore faire de semblables, 
si la crainte des liaisons qu'il a avec moi, ne retenoit ceux qui seroieut, sans 
cette consideration, bien plus hardis a entreprendre. 



Extrait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roy. 

10 Septembre, 16 85, a Windsor, 
JLe Roy d'Angleterre m'a lu sur 1' original la deposition du Sieur Mathieu, 
escuyer du Due de Monmouth ; elle contient qu'il a su de M. de Monmouth 
que le Baron de Freize lui avoit parle a la Haye de la part des Protestants 
de France, et lui avoit communique leur projet, qui etoit de prendre les 
armes au commencement de cet ete, et de se revolter en plusieurs endroits 
de la France; qu'ils offroient au Due de Monmouth de le recevoir a leur 
tete; que ce dessein a ete communique a I'Electeur de Brandebourg, aux 
Princes de la Maison de Brunswick, et a M. le Prince d'Orange, qui tous 
I'ont approuve; que ce Baron de Freize a fait plusieurs voyages en France 
pour concerter avec les Protestants des diverses provinces. C'est tout ce 
que contient la declaration, sans rien specifier de particulier a I'egard des 
lieux ni des personnes avec qui ce Baron de Freize a traite. II est Allemand, 
et a ete autrefois a la cour de Saxe, dont il est sorti poUr un demele qu'il 
eut avec le favori de I'Electeur de Saxe. 

J'ai prie le Roy d'Angleterre de me dire s'il ne savoit rien d'avantage 
sur cette matiere: sa reponse a ete, qu'il ne savoit que ce qui est porte par 



cxviii APPENDIX. 

cette declaration, et qu'il ne me cacheroit rien sur une ma»iere de telle 
importance, s'il en avoit la moindre connoissance ; que je pouvois assurer 
V. M. que rien ne lui etoit si cher que ses interets, et qu'il ne laisseroit 
passer aucune occasion de lui donner des marques de son amitie. Je Tai 
prie de presser encore les autres confidents de M. le Due de Monmouth, 
et du Comte d'Argile, pour decouvrir quelque chose de plus purticulier 
que ce qui m'a ete communique. Sa Majeste Britannique me la promis. 



Extrait d'une Lettre du Roy a M. Barillon. 

20 Semptembre, I685, a Chambord. 
JVl. Barillon, j'ai regu vos lettres des 6 et 10 de ce mois, qui me font 
voir que la Cour ou vous etes ne temoigne jusqu'a present aucune dispo- 
sition a conclure un traite avec I'Electeur de Brandebourg, ni a renouveller 
celui d'Espagne. 

Vous devez aussi tacher de maintenir toutes choses dans cet etat, et de- 
tourner, autant qu'il vous sera possible, la Cour ou vous etes de toutes 
sortes d'engagements qui pourroient alterer la bonne intelligence que je 
desire maintenir avec le Roy d'Angleterre. Mais il est bon aussi d'eloigner 
les propositions d'une plus etroite liaison avec moi, qui seroient d'autant 
plus inutiles, que le desir que j'ai de maintenir la paix s'accordant par- 
faitement avec les sentiments du dit Roy, il y a blen de I'apparence que 
nos intentions et nos interets se trouvant si conformes, rien ne sera capable 
d' alterer cette bonne union, et qu'elle s'entretiendra mieux d elle-mcme que 
par tons les traites qu'on pourroit faire. 

Le Roy d'Angleterre a raison de dire qu'il n'est ni de mon interet ni 
du sien que le commerce des Indes soit trouble, et cela n'arrivera pas aussi 
demonconsentement, tantque les Espagnols ne voudront faire surce sujet 
aucune nouveaute contraire a ce que portent les traites de paix et de treve. 

Ce que vous m'ecrivez de la deposition du nomme Mathieu et trop 
general et trop vague pour decouvrir par ce moyen quel pourroit etre le 
chef et les complices des mouvements qu'on prctendoit exciter dans mon 
royaume, sous le pretexte de la religion pretendue reformee. 



APPENDIX. cxix 

Je suis bien aise d'apprendre que le Roy d'Angleterre dissipe de jour 
a autre les restes de la rebellion, et je m'assure que Milord Maxfield, 
ni aucun autre, n'osera rien entreprendre centre son autorite. 

Je re^ois encore presentement une lettre du 4» qui m'informe que vous 
Yous etiez deja conduit par avance, suivant les ordres que je vous ai donnes 
par ma depeche du 4, et que vous demeuriez encore plus reserve sur les 
ouvertures qui vous pouvoient etre faites de nouvelles liaisons. 

Je n'ai rien a vous dire sur le choix que le Roy d'Angleterre a fait du Che- 
valier Trumbal pour remplir la place du Sieur Preston; mals il me paroit 
que la qualite de jurisconsulte Anglois n'est pas la plus convenable pour 
maintenir la bonne intelligence entre moi et le Roy d'Angleterre, et qu'elle 
ne sert souvent qu'a trouver des difficultes oii il n'y en doit point avoir. 

Pour ce qui regarde la demande qu'on vous fait de la part du Roy 
d'Angleterre du remboursement de quelques rentes sur Hotel de Ville 
auquel il a interet, je me ferai informer par le Sieur Courtin de I'etat de 
cette ajffaire, et je vous ferai savoir ensuite raa resolution. 



Extrait (Vune Lettre de M. Barillon au Roy. 

17 Septembre, 16 85, a Windsor. 
LiE Prince de Mourbach est ici de la part de M. I'Electeur de Cologne ; 
il m'a dit qu'il avoit ordre,de se conduire en tout comme je lui dirois. II 
m'a rendu compte d'un entretien qu'il a eu avec le Comte de Toun, dans 
lequel ce Ministre s'est explique sur les dispositions favorables auxquelles 
il croit qu'est le Roy d'Angleterre pour la Maison d'Autriche, et qu'il y 
avoit lieu d'esperer que tout se reuniroit pour empecher la grandeur 
immense de la France de s'augmenter encore ; que le Roy d'Angleterre 
connoisoit bien la necessite qu'il y a d'etablir une paix ferme et durable, 
et plus equitable que n'est la treve, dans laquelle la France a donne la loi, 
et a trouve toute sorte de facilite a se maintenir dans ses usurpations. Le 
Comte de Toun a paru rempli des esperances de I'avenir ; il lui est pour- 
tant echappe de dire que le Roy d'Angleterre s'etoit explique avec chaleur 
sur la continuation de la treve, il y a quelques jours, et avoit dit, que si 



cxx APPENDIX. 

les Espagnols etoient assez imprudents pourrorapre la treve, et commencer 
la guerre, il se declareroit contra eux, et se joindroit ouvertement a la 
France. Le Comte de Toun a paru choque de ce discours du Roy d' Angle- 
terre, qui marque peu de disposition de sa part a entrer dans les projets 
de la Maison d'Autriche. 

Je rends compte a V. M. de ce detail, qui peut servir a lui faire con- 
noitre que les esperances dont ces Ministres Autrichiens se flattent sur le 
sujet du Roy d' Angleterre n'ont pas tout le fondement qu'ils veulent faire 
croire. 

Les Ambassadeurs d'HolIande parlent de s'en retourner aussitot apres 
que les ratifications qu'on attend de HoUande auront ete echangees. 

Le Sieur Skelton a ecrit que le Sieur Fuches I'avoit prie d'ecrire au Roy 
sonmaitre pour I'exhorter d'entrer dans le traite qu'il a fait avec les Etats: 
il ne paroit pas qu'on y ait ici aucune disposition. 

Le Roy d' Angleterre tient souvent des discours tout haut, qui marquent 
combien il croit les Princes et Calvinistes opposes a ses interets, et ennemis, 
en general, de toute royaute, et principalement d'une royaute en Angleterre. 
Ces discours faits en public deplaisent fort aux Ambassadeurs d'Hol- 
Iande, qui savent bien que c'est des peuples de Hollande dont sa Majeste 
Britannique entend parler. 



Ex trail d'une Letlre du Roy a M. Barillon. 

28 Oclobre, 1 6 83, a Fontainebleau. 
J E m'assure que la seance du Parlement qui est convoquee au igNovembre, 
ne sera pas moins avantageuse au Roy d' Angleterre que la precedente ; et 
il y a lieu de croire que s'il n'en etoit pas bien persuade, il se garderoit 
bien d'assembler si souvent un corps qui partage avec lui I'autorite souve- 
raine. Je n'aurai point d'autre ordre a vous donner sur ce sujet que de 
bein observer tout ce qui s'y passerapour m'en rendre compte. 



APPENDIX. 



a M. Barillon. 

1 JYovembre, 1685, a Fon(ainebleau> 



J'ai fait voir au Roy, Monsieur, la lettre que vous avez pris la peine de 
m'ecrire par la quelle vous me raandez que, depuis la mort du feu Roy 
d'Angleterre, vous avez paye au Roy a-present regnant la somme de huit 
cent mille livres, et qu'il ne vous reste entre les mains que celle de quatre 
cent qiialre vingt mille livres^ sur laquelle vous devez retenir deux cent mille 
livres^ d'une part, et soixante deux mille livres d'autre ; mais comme sa 
Majeste croit que le pouvoir qu'elle vous a donne par ses depeches, a tou- 
jours ete restraint au seul payement des subsides que vous aviez promis 
verbalement, en son nom, au feu Roy, et dont il n'etoit du | sa mort que 
quatre cent soixante dix mille livres^ elle m'a ordonne de verifier, dans toutes 
ses depeches s'il y en auroit quelqu'une qui vous pe^rmit de faire cette avance 
de trois cente trente mille livres de plus ; et comme je n'en trouve point dans 
toutes celles que j'ai ici, je vous prie, Monsieur, de m'eclairer plus parti- 
culierement la-dessus, et de m'envoyei" meme I'extrait de la depeche de sa 
Majeste qui vous donne ce pouvoir. Je suis, Monsieur, See. 8cc. 



Ex trait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roy. 

29 Octobre, 1685, a Londres. 
Il [le Roy d'Angleterre] me mena hier matin dans son cabinet, et me dit 
qu'il avoit plusieurs choses a me dire pour les faire savoir a V. M. ne 
voulant rien faire d'important et de consequence dont il ne lui fit part; 
que la premiere etoit la resolution qu'il avoit prise de ne pas laisser plus 
longtemps Milord Halifax dans le ministere, et qu'il lui oteroit s?. place de 
President du Conseil; que je savois que, des le temps du feu Roy son frere, 
il avoit eu mauvaise opinion de ses sentiments, et de sa conduite, et ne 
I'avoit pas cru assez attache a la royaute ; que, depuis son avenement a la 
couronne, il avoit essayede lui inspirer de meilleurs sentiments, etl'obliger 
a tenir des maximes conformes a celles que doit avoir le ministre d'un Roy, 

q 



Gxxii APPENDIX. 

et meme celles d'un bon sujet ; qu'il avolt vii que le fonds de Milord 
Halifax ne se pouvoit changer, et qu'ainsi sa resolution etoit prise de ne 
s'en plus servir, que Ton avoit voulu le detourner de faire cet eclat avant 
t'assemblee du Parlement, et de se servir plutot de Milord Halifax dans 
cette Assemblee pour obtenir plus aiscment les choses qu'il desiroit; mais 
que c'etoit par cette meme raison qu'il vouloit le chasser de son conseil ; 
que son exemple pouvoit gater beaucoup de gens, et fortifier le parti de 
ceux qui lui voudroient resister; qu'il connoissoit les inconvenients d'un 
conseil partage, et de souffrir que ses ministres eussent des sentiments 
opposes aux siens ; que le feu Roy son frere s'en etoit mal trouve, et qu'il 
tiendroit une conduite difierente. II ajouta, que son dessein etoit de faire 
revoquer par le Parlement I'acte du Test, et I'acte de Y Habeas Corpus, dont 
Tun est la destruction de la religion Catholique, et I'autre de Tautoritc 
royale ; qu'il espere en venir a bout, que Milord Halifax n'auroit pas 
eu le courage et la fermete de soutenir le bon parti, et qu'il feroit moins de 
mal, n'ayant plus de part aux affaires, et etant disgracie. 

Sa Majeste Britannique me parla encore d'une auire resolution qui doit 
paroitre avant I'assemblee du Parlement, c'est celle d'envoyerun Ambassa- 
deur extraordinaire a Rome, jugeant qu'il est de sa dignite, etant Catholique, 
de faire ce que les Rois ont accoutume a Tcgard du St. Siege. 

Je remerciai le Roy d'Angleterre de tout ce qu'il m'avoit fait I'honneur 
de me communiquer. Je lui dis que j'en rendrois compte a V. M. et que 
j'osois lui repondre par avance que V. M. approuverolt entierement ses 
resolutions, et auroit beaucoup de joie de le voir en etat d'entreprendre 
des choses si importantes pour I'avantage de la religion Catholique, et 
pour raffermissement de son autorite. Sa Majeste Britannique me dit en 
riant ; " Je ne pense pas que le Roy votre mailre soit fache que j'eloigne 
Milord Halifax de mes conseils. Je sais bien du moins que les ministres 
des confederes en seront mortifies, et qu'ils avoient une grande opinion de 
son credit." 

Je repondis a cela que j'avois agi de concert avec lui du temps du feu Roy 
son frere, pour oter du ministere Milord Halifax ; mais que je n'avois pas 
cru qu'il eut le moindre credit depuis samort; que je convenois cependant 
que son eloignement des affaires produiroit un bon effet en Angleterre, et 



APPENDIX. cxxiii 

dans les pays etrangers pour detruire ropinion que les ministres de 
la Maison d'Autriche tachent d'y etablir, que la bonne intelligence et 
Tamitie sont fort diminuees entre V. M. et lui ; que je savois meme que les 
Ambassadeurs d'Holiande etoient partis depuis deux jours fort persuades 
que Milord Halifax etoit un des ministres les plus accredites, et sur Tamitie 
du quel le Prince d'Orange pouvoit faire le plus de fondement. J'ai dit 
x:eci pour voir sile Roy d'Angleterre me parleroit d'une affaire qui regarde 
le dedans de la maison du Prince d'Orange, qui n'a pas encore eclate, 
mais qui sera bientot publique; il ne m'en parla point, et je ne jugeai pas 
lui en devoir parler le premier, 

Le jPrince d'Orange a decouvert que le ministre de la Princesae d'Orange, 
sa nourrice, et une femme de chambre qu'elle aime fort, etoient en com- 
merce avec Skelton, et I'avertissoient de tout ce qui venoit a leur cpnnois- 
sance de plus secret. Cela a ete su du Prince d'Orange par une lettre qui 
a passe par les mains de Dalonne, secretaire de la Princesse d'Orange. Le 
Prince d'Orange a pris cette affaire avec tant d'aigreur, qu'il a chasse le 
ministre, la nourrice, et la femme de cbambre, et les a renvoyes a la Haye: 
je ne sais meme s'ils ne sont point deja partis pour I'Angleterre. Le Roy 
d'Angleterre me paroit, de son cote, fort aigri, et croit que le Prince 
d'Orange marque clairement sa mauvaise volonte a son egard, d'etre si 
trouble que son ministre ait connoissance[de ce qui se passe dans la maison 
de sa fille et de son gendre. 

Je n'ai pas presse le Roy d'Angleterre de me dire le nom de rAipibas- 
sadeur qu'il envoye a Rome, afin de lui laisser toute la facilite de s'expli- 
quer avec moi en confiance, sans lui faire croire que je veuilie savoir plus 
qu'il n'a envie de me dire; mais j'ai su d'ailleurs que c'etoit le Comte de 
Castelmaine, mari de Madame la Duchesse de Cleveland. Je ne doute 
pas que V. M. ne fasse la meme reflexion que je sais avoir ete faite par 
ceux qui ont apprls ce choix. II semble d'abord qu'il y ait quelque ridi- 
cule a envoyer un homme si peu connu par lui meme, et si connu par Ma- 
dame de Cleveland. Le Roy d'Angleterre ne s'est point arrete a cela; et I'a 
choisi parce que les Catboliques ont une grande confiance en lui, qu'il a fait 
plusieurs voyages enltalie, qu'il le croit fort habile et fort zeleCatholique, 8cc, 

Je suis, kc. 



APPENDIX. 



Extrait d'une Lettre du Roy a M. Barillon. 

6 JYovemhre, 1685, a Fontainebleau. 
1l [le Roy d'Angleterre] a raison de croire que Milord Halifax n'ayant 
aucune religion, ne peut pas etre un ministre fortfidele et fortaffectionne au 
maintien de I'autorite royale. 

Le dit Roy ne peut employer plus utilement pour lui ses soins et son 
pouvoir, qu'a faire revoquer par le Parlement, I'Acte qu'ils appellent du 
Test, qui oblige ses sujets de faire des serments si horribles, et si contraires 
a ce qu'on doit a Dieu et meme a la royaute. 

II n'est pas moins important aussi pour la maintenir de I'oter de Terabarras 
que lui donne ce second acte que vous appellez Habeas Corpus, et j'ap- 
prendrai toujoiirs avec plaisir qu'il ait reussi dans ces deux projets. 

J'avois deja appris I'eloignement des domestiques de la Princessc 
d'Orange ; et j'ai bien cru que le Roy d'Angleterre n'agreeroit pas qu'on 
leur lit un crime de I'informer par son ministre des nouvelles de la sante 
de sa fiUe, et de I'etat de ses affaires. 



M. Barillon au Roy. 

5 JYovcmbre, I685, a Londres. 

On fait beaucoup de diJBTerentes reflexions sur la disgrace de Milord 
Halifax. II a declare a ses amis qu'il n'auroit pas voulu s'engager a soulenir 
les desseins que sa Majeste Britannique a pour le prochain Parlement, et 
qu'il avoit mieux aime se retirer de la cour, que de demeurer a condition 
de se declarer ouvertement pour tout ce que Ton entreprendra de faire eu 
faveur des Catholiques, et pour raugmentation de Tautorite royale. Beau- 
coup de gens disent que le Roy d'Angleterre auroii mieux fait d'engager 
insensiblement Milord d'Halifax a seconder ses desseins, et a s'en servir 
pour menager dans le Parlement ce qu'il en voudra obtenir, que de le 
disgracier seulement parce qu'il ne veut pas entrer dans des mesures 
opposees aux lois etablies, et a tout ce que les Anglois ont le plus avant 



APPENDIX. cxxv 

enracine dans le cceur : mais sa Majeste Britannique raisonne fort differem- 
ment, et croit que rien ne seroit si dangereux pour le bien de ses affaires, 
que de conserver un ministre qui a des sentiments et des principes opposes 
aux siens, et qu'il est meme apropos qu'on connoisse, que le seul moyen 
d'etre bien a la cour, est de conserver ses bonnes graces, est de suivre 
aveuglement ses volontes, et d'avoir un attachement a ses interets qui ne 
soit sujet a aucune interpretation ni reserve. 

Get incident est regarde aussi avec beaucoup d'attention des ministres 
etrangers ; ceux qui sont ici les mieux informes ne croyoient pas que Milord 
Halifax eut un grand credit ; rnais la plupart s'imaginoient que son credit 
augmenteroit a mesure que le Roy d'Angleterre entreroit dans des mesures 
opposeesacelles que le feu Roy son frere etlui, ont tenues jusques a-present. 
Milord Halifax prenoit grand soin de flatter les esperances de ceux qu'il 
connoissoit desirer que sa Majeste Britannique s'unit etroitement avec le 
Prince d'Orange, et se relachat un peu d'une liaison trop etroite avec V. M. 
On pretendoit etendre cela dans la suite a une entiere separation de vos 
interets et des siens. Ce projet etoit soutenu par Milord Halifax, qui 
croyoit bien que, tant que V. M. et le Roy son maitre seroient en bonne 
intelligence, il n'auroit pas une grande part dans sa confiance ; mais que 
venant a s'alterer, les autres ministres perdroient quelque chose de leur 
credit, et que le sien augmenteroit. Les Ambassadeurs d'Espagne et 
d'HolIande I'ont regarde comme leur principal eonseil depuis quelques 
annees, et aidoient ^ fortifier le bruit repandu dans les pays etrangers, que 
Milord Halifax avoit beaucoup de part aux resolutions qui se prennoient. 
Le secretaire du Comte de Toun qui est demeure ici avec la quallte de 
secretaire de I'Empereur, ne s'est pu retenir de dire a plusieurs personnes, 
qu'il etoit fort etrange que le Roy d'Angleterre chassat Milord Halifax 
de son eonseil, apres 1' obligation qu'il lui avoit d'avoir soutenu avec tant 
de force son parti, ou plutot son droit, dans le Parlement, lorsqu'il etoit 
question de I'exclusion. 

Ge discours est revenu au Roy, qui I'a trouve fort a redire. La verite est, 
que Milord Halifax, pour entrer dans la confiance du feu Roy d'Angleterre, 
soutint fortement la succession contre Milord Schafbery, et se trouva lors 
a la tete de ceux qui s'opposerent dans la Chambre Haute au Bill d'Exclu- 



exxvi APPENDIX. 

sion contre M. le Due d' York, qui avoit deji pass6 dans la Ghambre Basse: 

Hiais des le lendemain que ce Bill d'Exclusion fut rejete, Milord Halifax 
proposa des temperaments contre le Due d'York, plus ruineux pour lui 
que I'Exclusion. Le principal etoit un banissement perpetuel pendant la 
vie du feu Roy, et de si grandes restrictions a son autorite, en cas qu'il vint 
a la couronne, que Ton jugea ces conditions plus dangereuses et moins 
admissibles que I'exclusion. Depuis cela Milord Halifax s'est toujours 
declare ouvertement contre M. le Due d'York, et s'est oppose a tout ce qui 
a et€ de ses avantages. 

On m'a assure que la Reine Douairiere ne conservera pas a Milord Ha- 
lifax la charge qu'il a de son Chancelier, et lui-meme ne juge pas la pouvoir 
garder : il est pourtant assez bien aupres d'elle, et a fait donner la charge 
de Tresorier de sa Maison au Sieur Tin, son cousin. 

A-present que I'assemblee du Parlement approche, on commence a parler 
dans Londres des matieres qui seront agitees dans cette assemblee : il est 
encore diflficile de juger quel en sera le sUcces ; car quoique le plus grand 
nombre des deputes paroissent bien intentionnes pour sa Majeste Britan- 
nique, les Actes du Test^ et d" Habeas Corpus sont regardes par tous les 
Anglois comme les remparts de la religion Protestante, et des privileges de 
la nation. Le Roy d'Angleterre espere venir a bout de les faire revoquer; 
autrement ce seroit une imprudence de Tentreprendre, et de se trouver 
oblige de separer le Parlement, sans en avoir obtenu ce qu'il croit neces- 
saire pour raffermissement de son autorite. Le retablissement des Pairs 
CathoHques sera une suite de la revocation du Test, et aussi la confirmation 
des officiers de guerre, et de la Maison qui sont Catholiques. Tout cela 
est regarde comme tres-important, et presque tous les Anglois voient avec 
grande douleur que I'autorite royale prend tous les jours de nouvelles forces, 
et que les loix etablies contre la religion Cathollque ne pourront s'etablir 
sous le regno d'un Roy qui en fait une profession ouverte. 

L'eveque que le Pape a envoye ici est arrive ; il n'y Cera point encore 
defonction publique; mais son arrivee n'est pas secrete. Le Roy d'Angle- 
terre me paroit fort content de lui. Tous les ecclesiastiques seculiers 
d'Angleterre sont soumis a sa direction. Son titre est in partibiis. 

Milord Preston est Chancelier de la Reine Douairiere a la place de Milord 



APPENDIX. cxxvii 

Halifax. La charge de Chambellan, vacante par la mort du Comte 
d'Ailesbury, a ele donnee au Gomte de Mangraf [Mulgrave] ; et la charge 
deGentilhomme de laChambre, qu'avoit Milord Mangraf, a Milord Brousse, 
qui est a- present Comte d'Ailesbury par la mort de son pere. 

Le Sieur Corniche a ete execute, et une femme nomme Gaunt, agee de 
soixante ans, brulce pour avoir retire des rcbelles chez elle. 

J'envoye a votre Majeste la copie du Memoire qui a ete donne a Milord 
Sunderland par I'Ambassadeur d'Espagne. Je suis, 8cc. 



Le Roy cu M. Barillon. 

16 JVovembre, 1685* 

JVl. Barillon, votre lettre du 5 de ce mois m'informe des differents 
raisonnements qu'on fait au lieu oii vous etes sur la disgrace dc Milord 
Halifax: mais quelque effet qu'elle puisse produire, vous jugez bien qu'il 
ne pent etre que fort avantageux a mes inlerets qu'un ministre si devoue a 
ceux d'Espagne, et si contraire a la religion Gatholique, soit eloigne des 
conseils du Roy d' Angleterre, et je m'assure aussi que cet acte de fermete 
augmentera encore I'autorite du dit Roy, et rendra meme I'assemblee du 
Parlement plus soumise ace qu'il desirera d'elle. Je laisse a votre prudence 
a rinfbrmer de mes sentiments sur ce sujet, si vous le jugez a-propos. 

Quelque repugnance que puissent avoir les Anglois a soufTrir quelque 
changement dans les deux points qu'ils croient etre si essentiels a la conser- 
vation, tant de la religion Protestante, que de leurs droits et privileges, ils 
sent neanmoins d'ailleurs d'une si grande consequence pour le succes des 
desseins que le dit Roy a formes, qu'il a grande raison d'employer toute 
son autorite a les obtenir. II y a d'autant plus d'apparence aussi qu'il y 
reussira que I'etat paisible ou est aujourdhui toute I'Europe, ne laisse 
envisager aux factieux aucune ressources ni desirer aux bien intentionnes 
une conjoncture plus favorable. 

Le memoire que I'Ambassadeur d'Espagne a remit entre les mains du 
Comte de Sunderland, ne regarde que ce qui est du a des parliculiers par les 
Etats de Haynault, et n'est pas capable de produire de nouveaux troubles* 



cxxviii APPENDIX. 

Mais les continuelles contraventions que lesEspagnols font au traite de treve, 
par les prises et enlevement des vaisseaux de mes sujets, pourroient leur 
attirer de plus.facheuses suites, s'ils ne rendentau-plutotce qu'ils ont pris. 

Je regois encore presentement votre lettre du 8, avec le memoire des 
payements que vous avez faits depuis la mort du feu Roy d' Angleterre ; et 
apres que j'aurai fait examiner s'il se rapporte au compte que vous avez 
ci-devant envoye des payements faits par vos ordres jusqu'a la raortdufeu 
Roy d'Angleterre, je vous ferai savoir mes sentiments sur cet article. 

J'apprends detoutes parts que le Roy d'Angleterre temoigne une grande 
disposition a entrer dans toutes sortes d'engagements contraires a mes 
interets. L'on me confirme encore I'avis que je vous ai deja donne que le 
Roy Catholique envoye a son Ambassadeur en Angleterre le pouvoir de 
conclure une ligue avec la Cour oii vous etes, sur les assurances que ce 
. ministre a donnees qii'il y trouveroit dans la conjoncture presente de tres- 
grandes facilites. Vous devez neanmoins temoigner au Roy d'Angleterre 
que je suis persuade qu'il rejettera si loin les propositions de ligue que ce 
ministre pourroit faire, que la Cour d'Espagne sera bientot desabusee de 
I'esperance qu'elle a eue d'un bon succes dans cette affaire. 

II me paroit par tout ce que vous m'eci ivez que le Roy d'Angleterre n'a 
pas sujet d'etre content du Prince d'Orange ; et il est a souhaiter, pour le 
maintien de la paix, et pour le bien de notre religion, qu'il n'y ait pas entre 
eux une plus grande intelligence. 



Exlrnil (Tune Lettre de M Barillon au Roy. 

12 A^ovembre, ICS5, o Londres. 
Le Roy d'Angleterre m'a dit qu'il en etoit persuade et fort aise [il s'agit 
ici du desir que temoignoit et quavoit Louis Xlf^. d'offermir le repos donl 
jouissoil alors V Europe\ que je voyois combien il lui importoit qu'il 
n'arrivat pas de rupture entre V. M. et le Roy d'Espagne, et que jesavois 
quels avantages cela donneroit a ceux qui veulent traverser ses dessems a 
regard de la religion Catholique. 

Le Chevalier Trumball est parti pour France. Le Roy d'Angleterre 



APPENDIX. cxxix 

m'a dit iqu'il lui avoit donnedes instructions et des ordres precis d'apporter 
tous ses soins pour la continuation d'une bonne intelligence avec V. M. 
J'ai prie sa Majeste Britannique de lui ordonner sur tout de ne se point 
meler des affaires qui regardent ceux de la religion pretendue reformee ; je 
ne doute pas que cela n'ait ete fait ; et autant que j'en puis juger sur ce que 
m'a dit le Sieur Trumball, il se conduira d'une maniere dont V. M. aura 
sujet d'etre satisfaite. 

Tous les projets et les plans se forment a I'egard du Parlement. II est 
certain qu'on y agitera des matieres fort importantes : on ne sauroit encore 
juger de revenement. Le Roy d'Angleterre espere venir a bout de la 
plupart des choses qu'il demandera, et il paroit resolu de ne se point 
relacher de ce qu'il desire obtenir pour I'avantage des Catholiques, et pour 
raffermissement de son autorite. La defiance est grande dans le parti des 
Protestants zeles : ils connoissent bien que de ce qui se passera dans cette ses- 
sion, depend a I'avenir la surete de la religion Protestante. Les Catholiques 
ne sont pas touta-fait d'accord entre eux : les plus habiles, et ceux qui ont 
le plus de part a la confiance du Roy d'Angleterre, connoissent bien que 
la conjoncture est la plus favorable qu'on puisse esperer, et que si on la 
laisse echapper, elle pourra bien n'etre de si longtemps si avantageuse. Les 
Jesuites sont de ce sentiment, qui sans doute est le plus raisonable ; mais 
les Catholiques riches et etablis craignent I'avenir, et apprehendent un 
retour qui les ruineroit ; ainsi ils voudroient admettre tous les tempera- 
ments possibles, et se contenteroient des plus mediocres avantages qu'on 
leur voudroit accorder, comme seroit la revocation des loix penales, sans 
s'attacher a la revocation du Test qui rend les Catholiques incapables des 
charges et des emplois. 

Ce parti est soutenu de tous les gens qui favorisent secretement le Prince 
d'Orange, et leur avis prevaudroit, si les autres ne prennoient tous les soins 
possibles pour faire comprendre au Roy d'Angleterre que s'il ne se sert 
de I'occasion, et qu'il n'etablisse presentement ce qu'il a dessein de faire 
pour les Catholiques et pour lui-meme, il verra tous les jours naitre de plus 
grands obstacles a ses desseins. Le naturel du Roy d'Angleterre le porte 
a tenir une conduite ferme et vigoureuse. Ceux de ses ministres qui sont 
dans les niemes sentiments paroissent augmenter de credit ; I'exemple de 



cxxx APPENDIX. 

Milord Halifax fait craindre ceux qui voudroient tenir une conduite 
moderee, et garder des temperaments. Tout cela forme beaucoup de 
cabales dans la Cour et dans le Parlement. Le Roy d'Angleterre me 
parle souvent de ce qu'il veut faire, et me paroit fort resolu de se prevaloir 
de la conjoncture presente. II me dit toujours que la paix au-dehors lui 
est entierement necessaire, et me charge de representer cela a votre Ma- 
jeste, comme une chose decisive pour les avantages de la religion Catho- 
lique. Je me tiens dans les bornes que V. M. m'a prescrites, et sans 
m'ingerer de lui rien inspirer de trop vehement, je fortifie la resolution ou 
il paroit etre de profiter de I'occasion. Je serai applique a penetrer ce 
qui se passe, et a rendre compte a V. M le plus exactement que je pourrai. 
II n'y a point eu de seance du Parlement depuis longlemps plus impor- 
. tante. Je prcvois meme qu'il se traitera beaucoup de choses sur I'avenir 
a quoi on ne s'attendoit pas, Je n'omettrai aucun soin pour etre bien 
informe. Je suis, Sec, 



Ex trait d*une Lett re du Roy a M. Barillon. 

d. Versailles, le 19 JSi''ovembre, 1685. 
I'apprends cependant par les dernieres lettres de Madrid, que ce qui 
cloigne le Conseil d'Espagne de faire raison sur les justes plaintes de mcs 
sujets, est I'esperance dont les Ministres Espagnols se flattent, d'atlirer 
bientot le Roy d'Angleterre dans les interets de la Maison d'Autriche, et 
de faire avec lui un traite d'association. On ajoute meme qu'ils croyent 
que ce Prince ne differe a y entrer que jusqu'a ce qu'il ait obtenu de son 
Parlement ce qu'il a resolu de lui demander dans la prochaine assemblee. 
C'est ce qui vous doit obliger a renouveller vos soins et votre application 
a bien penetrer les veritables desseins de la Cour ou vous etes, et examiner 
tons les partis qu'il y auroit a prendre, en cas de changement, pour lebien 
de mon service : car comme je serai toujours bien aise de contribuer au 
bon succes des desseins du Roy d'Angleterre, tant qu'il ne tendront qu'a 
I'augmentation de notre religion, a I'affermissement du repos public, et a 
celui de son autorite; je dois vous dire aussi, pour votre instruction 



APPENDIX. cxxxi 

particuliere, que je ne serai pas facbe qu'il trouve dans son Parlement des 
obstacles a ses projets, quand je reconnoitrai qu'il voudra prendre des 
mesures avec mes ennemis, pour par la leur donner la hirdiesse de 
troubler la paix que j'ai retablie par les derniers traites. Ainsi vous devez 
bien observer qu'elle est la disposition des esprits des principaux membres 
du Parlement, et quel est le pencbant de ceux qui auront le plus de credit 
dans cette assemblee, ensorte que, sans donner aucun pretexte au Roy 
d'Angleterre de se detacher des sentiments de reconnoissance qu'il croit 
devoir aux temoignages d'amitie que je lui ai donnes avant et depuis son 
avenement a la couronne, vous puissiez, s'il s'en eloigne, laisser entrevoir 
aux Pariementaires les plus attaches a la conservation de leurs droits et 
privileges, que les liaisons que j'ai avec le Roy leur maitre ne sont pas 
assez fortes pour leur nuire, et qu'ils peuvent agir avec liberie, et sans 
craindre ma puissance. Mais comme vous jugez bien qu'il importe extreme- 
ment au bien de mon service que votre conduite soit si mesurce, si sage, et 
si prudente, qu'elle ne puisse donner aucune prise contre vous, vous devez, 
sur toutes choses, vous appliquer a connoitre le terrain, avant que de faire 
aucune tentative qui puisse nuire a mes interets. Meme vous ne devez 
faire aucune demarche dans une negociation si delicate et si dangereuse, 
qu'apres que vous m'aurez donne avis de ce que vous aurez reconnu des 
intentions de laCourou vous etes, et que je vous aurai donne de nouveaux 
ordres. II estbon, cependant, que vous vous serviez de toutes les occasions 
qui se presenteront, pour insinuer adroitement au Roy d'Angleterre I'in- 
teret qu'il a d'employer son autorite au retablissement de la religion Ca- 
tholique, et de ne la pas laisser plus longtemps exposee a toutes les loix 
penales qui ont ete faites contre elle dans les regnes precedents. 



Ex trait d'une Lett re du Roy a M. Barillon. 

d Versailles, le 29 JVovembre, I685. 
JVloNSiEUR Barillon, j'ai recu votre lettre du I9 de ce mois, avec la 
copie du discours que le Roy d'Angleterre a fait a son Parlement, tant pour 
I'obliger a lui fournir le fonds necessaire pour le payement des troupes 



cxxxii APPENDIX. 

qu'il pretend en obtenir, que pour I'informer des raisons qu'il a de con- 
server les officiers qui I'ont fidelement servi dans la derniere rebellion. 

Je m'assure qu'il n'aura pas de peine a obtenir ce secours de cette 
assemblee : elle croira avec raison avoir beaucoup gagne, s'il n'entreprend 
rienen faveur de la religion Catholique, et qu'il la laisse dans le deplorable 
etat ou elle est encore a-present, sujette aux loix penales, et a tout ce que 
la fureur et les emportements de ses plus grands ennemis pourroient attenter 
contre elle dans une conjoncture plus favorable pour eux. Je suis bien 
persuade aussi que ce Prince connoit assez I'interet qu'il a de laretablir, et 
que d'ailleurs il a tout le zele qu'on pent desirer pour ne pas manquer d'en 
procurer ses avantages ; et comme vous savez bien mes intentions sur la 
conduite que vous devez tenir pendant la seance de ce Parlement, je ne 
doute point que vous ne les suiviez aussi exactement qu'il vous sera possible, 
et que vous ne m'informiez de tout ce qui se passera dans les deliberations 
des deux Charabres, et des mesures que le Roy d' Angleterre prendra pour 
parvenir a ses fins. 



Extrait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roy. 

22 A^ovembre, 1685, a Londres. 
On dit que Milord Grey a depose que plusieurs Seigneurs devoient se 
joindre a M. de Monmouth, entre autres Milord Devincher ; il est gendre 
du Due d'Ormond, et le plus grand Seigneur d' Angleterre en fonds de 
terre. Beaucoup de gens prennent interet a ce qui le regarde, et s'entre- 
mettent pourle recommander; mais il ne s'aide pas lui-merae autant qu'il 
faudroit. Cela commence a causer les agitations ordinaires en ce pays-ci 
lorsque le Parlement est assemble. 



M. Barillon au Roy 

26 J\''ovembre,\6%5, a Londres. 
JE re^us avant hier la depeche de votre Majeste du 19 Novembre, par un 
courier expres ; avant que d'y repondre, je crois devoir rendre corapte a 



APPENDIX. cxxxiii 

V. M. de ce qui s'est passe ici depuis le dernier ordinaire. La deliberation 
de la Chambre des Communes du 22. Novembre fut pleine de chaleur et 
de contestation. Les partisans de la Cour obtinrent pourtant une resolu- 
tion de donner un secours d'argent. Ceux du parti oppose avoient eu 
Tadresse d'ajouter a la proposition de donner de I'argent, que ce secours 
seroit pour entretenir I'armee, ce qui auroit fait rejeter la proposition 
par le plus grand nombre de voix. Mais le Speaker^ et quelques autres, 
firent mettre simplement la question de donner de I'argent, sans specifier 
^ quel usage : il passa de quelques voix, mais en meme temps, la Chambre 
prit la resolution de representer a sa Majeste Britannique, que la veritable 
force du royaume consiste dans les milices, et qu'elle apportera tous les 
soins, et prendra tous les expediens possibles, pour les rendre utiles : 
c'etoit declarer nettement que la Chambre ne pretend pas que I'armee 
subsiste. Beaucoup de gens parlerent avec vehemence contra I'armee et 
contre les officiers Catholiques, etsoulinrent que le Discours duRoy ne se 
rapportoit point a ce qu'il avoit dit dans la seance precedente, puisqu'en 
celle-ci il se declaroit ouvertement contre les loix etablies qui font la surete 
de la religion Protestante. M. Seymer parla fort aprement, le Sieur Clergis 
de meme ; un nomme Jennins, creature de Milord Danbi, et un nouveau 
membre de la Chambre, nomme Tuesden, parlerent aussi avec beaucoup de 
force, et d'applaudissemens. Tous leurs discours se terminoient a ne pas 
souffrir une armee sur pied, et a ne pas permettre qu'il y ait des officiers 
Catholiques. Un des deputes dit qu'il ne voyoit pas que I'Angleterre fit 
une figure considerable dans le monde dont il etoit fait mention dans le 
Discours du Roy. Milord Preston repondit a cela, qu'il savoit, et etoit 
bien informe, que V. M. auroit, cet ete, attaque I'Espagne en quelque 
endroit, si le Roy d'Angleterre ne I'avoit empeche, et que V. M. n'en 
avoit ete detournee que parce qu'elle avoit cru qu'une rupture avec I'Es- 
pagne mettroit I'Angleterre dans le parti de ses ennemis. II y en eut 
d'autres encore qui firent entendre qu'il n'y avoit que le Roy d'Angleterre 
qui put empecher les progres et I'augmentation de cette puissance qui fait 
trembler toutes les autres, et que le veritable interet de la nation Angloise 
est que le Roy soit en etat de s'y opposer, ce qui ne se peut, s'il n'a des 
forces suffisantes et toutes pretes. Ce raisonnement futcombattu indirecte- 



cxxxiv APPENDIX. 

m^.nt par d'autres membres, qui soutinrent que le veritable interet des 
Anglois est de vivre en repos et en tranquillite dans le dedans, avec la 
surete de leurs loix et proprietes, aussi bien que de leur conscience dans 
lexercice de leur reli;iion, et que, quand cela sera, I'Angleterre aura 
assez de consideration au-dehors. Cette deliberation parut si opposee a ce 
que sa Maj ste Britannique pouvoit desirer que Ton disoit deja que le 
Parlement seroit proroge ou casse. II s'etoit fait beaucoup de cabales la 
veille: les vieux Parlementaires qui ne sont pas du present Parlement 
avoient instruit les nouveaux deputes. 

La Chambre se rassembia le 23; la chaleur fut encore plus grande, et le 
parti oppose a la Cour emporta de trois voix la question qui avoit ete raise, 
si on delibereroit sur lesecours d'argent, ou si on considereroit le Discours 
du Roy ; ce dernier avis prevalut, parce que beaucoup de gens attaches ou 
dependants de la Cour etoient absents, et il y en eut meme qui en furent 
d'avis, entre autres, le Sieur Fox, qui est Commis au payement des troupes : 
son pere est officier de la Maison, et avoit cet employ du payement des 
troupes, dans lequel il s'est enrichi. Un Lieutenant des Gardes a Cheval, 
norame Darze, homme de qualite, fut aussi de Pavis oppose a la Cour. 
On parla encore avec beaucoup plus de chaleur que le jour precedent 
contre Tarmee et les officiers Catholiques, et le sentiment presque unanime 
de la Chambre parut etre de ne point donner d'argent pour faire subsister 
I'armee, et dene pas souffrir qu'il y eut d'officiers Catholiques. 

La Chambre se rassembia avant hier, 24 Novembre, et delibera sur le 
Discours du Roy. On s'attendoit que la chaleur et I'emportement seroient 
encore plus grands que les jours precedents: mals la moderation fut beau- 
coup plus grande qu'on ne I'avoit attendu : il n'y eut presque personne 
qui repetat rien de ce qui avoit ete dit dans les jours precedents: mais le 
fonds de la deliberation fut fort ferme, et la Chambre parut determinee 
absolument a ne point permettre que le Roy se servit d'officiers Catho- 
liques, puisque les loix y sont directement contraires. On proposa divers 
expedients pour accommoder cette difficulte ; celui de souffrir que ceux 
qui sont etablis, demeurent, et que le Roy promette de n'en plus ajouter 
d'autres, fut rejete par la Chambre, et la conclusion fut de faire une 
adresse, pour supplier sa Majeste Britannique de remedier aux soupcons 



APPENDIX. exxxv 

et a la jalousie que donnoita la nation I'lnexecutlon des loix. On attribue 
la moderation quia paru dans cette derniere deliberation, alacrainte qu'on 
a eue de donner occasion a la cassation du Parlement. D'autres disent que 
c'est un conseil des vieux Parlementaires qui ont inspire de la fermete et 
de Topiniiitrete pour le fonds, en temoignant de la moderation au dehors. 

11 etoit hier dimanche. On delibere aujourdhui sur le fonds d'argent. 
Toute la question se terraine a savoir si la Chambre des Communes 
accordera de I'argent, sans y meler aucune condition, et si elle se con- 
tentera d'avoir temoigne combien la subsistance de I'armee, et I'emploi des 
Catlioliques lui sont odieux, sans insister d'avantage sur une satisfaction 
prealable. En ce cas la le Roy d'Angleterre aura obtenu ce qu'il y a de 
plus essentiel ; car le mecontentement general ne I'empechera pas d'avoir 
ses troupes sur pied, et de quoi les payer. La deliberation d'aujourdhui 
decidera de la duree de la seance du Parlement, car le Roy d'Angleterre 
paroit resolu de ne se relacher en rien, et sa fermete etonne ceux qui 
croyoient que ce qui s'est passe dans la Chambre des Communes, le feroit 
resoudre d'admettre quelques temperaments, et de ne se pas opiniatrer a 
emporter dans cette seance tout ce qu'il desire. 

De toutce que j'ai I'honneur de mander a V. M. elle voit que les affaires 
de ce pays sont fort changeesdepuis quelques jours: elles peuvent recevoir 
des adoucissements et des changements. Je sais que I'on emploie de 
I'argent pour remettre les gens les plus opposes a la Gour dans des senti- 
ments plus moderes ; mais il n'est pas facile que le concert se retablisse 
parfaitement, et qu'il ne reste pas de grandes defiances de part et d'autre. 

Le parti oppose a la Cour est celui du Prince d'Orange, que beaucoup 
de gens favorisent secretement. La division meme est dans la Cour ; 
c'est ce que j'expliquerai, autant que je le pourrai, a V. M. dans la suite 
de cette Lettre. II me paroit, cependant, que je n'ai rien a faire en 
execution des ordres portes par la derniere depeche de V. M. que d'em- 
ployer tous mes soins pour etrebien informe, et pour lui rendre un compte 
exact de ce qui se passe. 

J'ai conserve quelques liaisons avec des gens accredites dans les prece- 
dents Parlements, et il ne seroit pas impossible d'augmenter, s'il etoit 
necessaire les divisions qui semblent naitre; il ne seroit pas inutile au service 



cxxxvi APPENDIX. 

de V. M. d' avoir toujours quelques gens dans sa dependance ; cela pent 
meme, dans les occasions, etre utile au Roy d'Angleterre, et au bien de 
la religion. Je ne vois rien qui presse presentemeut : il semble que les 
affaires prennent d'elle-meme le chemin qui peut etre le plus avantageux 
a V. M. ; c'est au moins ce qui paroit aujourdhui. II est cependant diffi- 
cile de prevoir les revolutions et les changements inopines qui arrivent 
en ce pays-ci, et V. M. voit bien que les affaires sont faites ou terminees 
avant que Ton ait le temps de recevoir de nouveaux ordres. 

J'ai ete informe des demarches de I'Ambassadeur d'Espagne, depuis 
le commencement de la seance du Parlement. J'ai ete aussi averti que 
quelques jours auparavant, il avoit fort presse le Roy d'Angleterre de 
renouveller le traite de I680. La reponse de sa Majeste Britannique a 
ete undelai plutot qu'un refus absolu. Cette Ambassadeur a temoigne 
en etre surpris, et le Roy d'Angleterre a bien juge de ce que M. Ron- 
quille a dit qu'il avoit donne des esperances a Madrid, que le traite se 
pouvoit renouveller. Je n'ai pas cru, pendant ces derniers jours, devoir 
parler au Roy d'Angleterre surcerenouvellement du traite avec I'Espagne, 
sachant qu'il n'y avoit rien a craindre presentement, et trouvant plus con- 
venable qu'il m'en parle le premier, ce que je crois qu'il fera, des qu'il sera 
un peu moins accable d'affaires. 

L'Ambassadeur d'Espagne fondoit de grandes esperances sur I'assemblee 
du Parlement. J'ai ete averti que ses partisans insinuoient une alliance 
avec les Etats Generaux et la Suede ou I'Electeur de Brandebourg, pour 
tenir lieu de ce qu'etoit autrefois la triple ligue. Je sais meme que Ton 
devoit joindre a ces projets d'alliances, des offres de sommes considerables 
pour y engager sa Majeste Britannique. Tout cela se trouve renverse, ou 
du moins eloigne par tout ce qui s'est passe jusques a aujourdhui. 

J'ai eu encore une raison pour ne me pas hater de parler du traite d'Es- 
pagne a sa Majeste Britannique, c'est d'eviter toute proposition de secours 
d'argent qu'on me pourroit faire, ce qui arriveroit plus aisement, si je te- 
moignois apprehender le renouvellement d'une alliance avec I'Espagne, 
et que je parlasse pour rempecher. Ce n'est pas a moi d'en faire naitre 
I'occasion. Je serai meme fort retenu dans ce que je dirai au Roy d'Angle- 
terre s'ii casse le Parlement, et que toute esperance d'accommodement soil 



APPENDIX. cxxxvii 

rompue, afin que V. M. soit en pleine liberte de me prescrire ce que j'au- 
rai a dire, et la conduite que je devrai tenir. 

Apres avoir rendu compte a V. M. des affaires du Parlement, je crois la 
devoir informer, autant que je le pourrai, de ce qui regarde le dedans de la 
Cpur, Depuis que Milord Sunderland est rentre dans les affaires, il a 
pris beaucoup de soin de me donner des marques de son attachement aux 
interets de V. M.; je ne ferai mention que de ce qui s'est passe depuis la 
mort du feu Roy. Mais ce ministre a bien reconnu que le Grand Treso- 
rier avoit une liaison avec le Prince d'Orange, fondee sur des interets qui ne 
peuvent changer, et qu'ainsi son credit s'affoibliroit insensiblement aupres du 
Roy d' Angleterre, ou qu'il seroit contraint d'agir contre ses sentiments et 
contre ses maximes, ce qui est fort difficile a faire long temps. Cela est arrive, 
et Milord Sunderland est entre siavantdans la confidence de sonmaitre, et 
a tellement soutenu les projets que ce Prince a en tete, qu'il paroit meme 
aux moins penetrants avoir la principale part du ministere. Les Catho- 
liques sont ouvertement declares pour lui, et sont au contiaire fort raecon- 
tents de Milord Rochester, qu'ils croyent trop zele pour la religion Pro- 
testante, et oppose a tout ce qui est des avantages de la religion Catholique. 
Cela cause.une grande division dans la Cour ; et quoiqu'il y ait eu des eclair- 
cissements, efedes raccommodements entre ces deux ministres, on volt bien 
cependant (^ue leur conduite et leurs interets sont fort differents. Leurs amis 
se partagent. Le Roy d' Angleterre voit tout cela, et sait ce qui se passe. II 
se sert du Grand Tresorier dans la direction des finances ; mais il ne lui 
laisse pas lepouvoir de disposer d'aucune somme considerable, et veut lui- 
meme entrer dans le detail, ce qui rend I'autorite et le credit de Milord 
Rochester bien moindre. C'est de Milord Sunderland que je sais ce qui 
s'est passe sur le renouvellement du traite avec I'Ambassadeur d'Espagne ; 
il m'a fort assure que le Roy d'Angleterre n'avoit aucune envie presente- 
ment de renouveller ce traite, et que je serois averti aussitot qu'il y verroit 
la moindre disposition. 

Milord Sunderland m'a confie depuis peu des choses fort secrettes qui le 
regardent; il m'a dit que le Roy d'Angleterre a promis positivement de le 
faire President du Conseil, apres I'assemblee du Parlement. Cette dignitc, 
ajoutee a la fonction de Secretaire d'Etat,relevera encore beaucoup ropinion 



cxxxviii APPENDIX. 

de son credit. Sa Majeste Britannique a ete determinee a lui promettre 
cette charge, par un Jesuite nomme le Pere Piters, qui a beaucoup de part 
dans sa confiance ; c'est un homme de condition, et frere de feu Milord 
Piters : il lui a represente fortement combien il importoit d'accrediter 
et de recompenser un ministre qui le sert plus fidelement et plus cou- 
rageusement que les autres. Le Chancelier, qui est fort uni avec Milord 
Sunderland, et qui tient la mcme conduite, avoit presse le Roy d'Angleterre 
de lui donner cette place de President du Conseil. Lorsque Milord Halifax 
a ete chasse, il n'avoit pu en venir a bout, parce que sa Majeste Britannique 
avoit declare a beaucoup de gens, que cette charge ne seroit donnee k 
personne. 

Milord Sunderland m'a dit une autre chose de grande importance, et 
qui, si elle est vraie, et que le Roy d'Angleterre la sache, diminuera fort 
le credit de Milord Rochester, c'est que lorsque M. de Sidney est alle en 
Hollande, Milord Rochester le pria de le voir le dernier, et un moment 
seulement avant que de s'embarquer avec Bentem ; dans cette entrevue, 
Milord Rochester dit a M. Sidney, qu'il avoit un conseil a doHner a 
M. le Prince d'Orange, qui etoit de venir en Angleterre, a quelque prix 
que ce fut, el meme malgre le Roy d'Angleterre, et que c'etoit le seul et 
unique moyen de redresser les affaires, qui prennoient un mauvais che- 
niin, auquel il seroit impossible dans la suite de remedier. M. de Sidney 
s'est acquitte de sa commission, et dit que M. le Prince d'Orange a etc 
ebranle, mais qu'il n'a ose hazarder de venir. 11 en a parle a Bentem, a 
qui M. de Sidney n'en avoit rien dit, et qui auroit etc assez d'avis que 
M. le Prince d'Orange passat en Angleterre. Je vois bien que le motif de 
M. de Sunderland, en me disant une chose si importante a ete de ra'oter 
toute srote de confiance a I'egard de Milord Rochester, et de me le faire 
regarder comme un homme entierement oppose aux interets de V. M. et 
attache a ceux du Prince d'Orange. J'ai peine a croire que ce fait soit in- 
vente; je sais bien que Milord Sunderland pent, parM. Sidney, conserver 
des liaisons avec le Prince d'Orange, qui pourroient eclater en d'autres 
temps ; mais en attendant, il tient une conduite entierement favorable aux 
Catholiques, et qui eloigne le Roy son maitre de tout autre attachement 
qu'aux interets de V. M. 



APPENDIX. cxxxix 

Les ordres que V. M. m'a donnes depuis quelques temps, sont d'eviter 
avec soin d'entrer d^ns aucun traite qui la puisse engager de fournir 
des subsides au Roy d'Angleterre ; cependant, V. M. desire, en meme 
temps, que ce Prince ne prenne aucune liaison nouvelle avec les autres 
Puissances de I'Europe, a quoi je me suis applique, et m'applique comme 
je le dois. Milord Sunderland peut 6tre en cela d'un grand secours, et 
il me I'a ete en m'avertissant de ce qui se passe ; ,mais son zele et son 
attachement pour les interets de V. M. peuvent se refroidir, principalement 
si sa faveur augmente. Je crois qu'ii seroit du service de V. M. d'achever 
de le mettre dans ses interets par une gratification qui I'engageroit entiere- 
ment. Je suis persuade qu'il ae s'eloignera pas de recevoir des marques de 
la bienveillance de V. M.: il croit les avoir meritees, et temoigne les vouloir 
meriter a I'avenir. Le poste ou est Milord Sunderland, et I'apparence 
qu'il sera encore plus en credit, font que si V. M. juge a-propos de I'en- 
gager tout-a-fait, on ne doit pas lui faire une gratificjation mediocre ; et 
il vaudroit mieux ne lui rien donner, que de lui offrir moins de six mlUe 
pieces, et faire entendre, en meme temps, que cette gratification continuera 
tous les ans. V. M. sera toujours en pouvoir de juger si elle devra etre 
continuee. Je ne pense pas qu'il puisse y avoir de depense mieux em- 
ployee en ce pays ici que cel!e-la, surtout dans le dessein qu'a V. M. de 
ne point donner de subside au Roy d'Angleterre, et de I'empecher pour- 
tant d'entrer dans d'autres liaisons. II y a longtemps que j'hesite a faire 
cette proposition a V. M. ; je comprens que je prends as&ez mal mon 
temps presentement qu'il paroit que V. M. penche plutot a menager les 
membres du Parlement les plus accredites; mais je me crois oblige pour le 
bien du service de V. M. de proposer ce qui me paroit de plus avantageux 
et de plus solide. II peut etre que Ton ne retrouvera pas I'occasion si 
favorable, si on la laisse echapper. G'est a V. M. a juger combien il lai 
importe que 1' Angleterre n'entre pas dans d'autres interets et dans d'autres 
mesures. V., M. a bien reconnu que la cessation des payements a produit 
le renouvellement du traite avec les Etats Generaux: V. M. sait si le re- 
nouvellement de ce traite n'a pas ete nuisible a ses interets, et quels avan- 
tages en ont tires les ennemis de sa grandeur, et entre autres, M. le Prince 
d'Orange, qui en ont au moins congu de grandes esperances pour Tavenir 



cxl APPENDIX. 

Je me garderai bien de me jamais avancer a rien dire ou faire par mon 
propre sens, et je me tiendrai seulement en etat d'executer a la lettre les 
ordres de V. M. 

La Chambre des Communes a commence ce matin par la lecture de 
I'Adresse qui doit etre presentee a sa Majeste Britannique. On m'a assure 
qu'elle est congue en des termes extremements forts et positifs contre les 
officiers Catholiques. On a mis ensuite en deliberation, de prier la Chambre 
Haute de se joindre sur cette Adresse a la Chambre des Communes ; la 
proposition a ete rejetee, et le parti de la Cour a prevalu. On a delibere 
sur le subside, et, apres beaucoup de contestation, on est demeure d'accord 
de donner sept cent mille livres sterling une fois payes. Le Roy d'Angle- 
terre en pretendoit quatorze cent ; mais cependant je crois qu'ii ne sera pas 
mal content, pourvu que le fonds de cette somme soit bien etabli, et que 
la Chambre Basse n'insiste pas sur I'Adresse qu'elie doit presenter comme 
sur une condition piealable ; c'est ce qui est encore incertain ; il faut 
attendre pour voir s'il n'arrivera point quelque incident qui empeche reffet 
de la resolution qui a ele prise. Si Taffaire de I'argent se pent separer 
entierement des autres choses qui sont agitees, le Roy d'Angleterre aura 
son compte, et pourra se passer de Parlement, au moins pendant quelque 
temps. Milord Sunderland vient de me dire qu'il ne croit pas que le Roy 
et le Parlement puissent convenir, parce que chacun de son cote veut des 
choses entierement opposees. Je suis, Sec. 



M. Barillon au Roy. 

30 .Yovembre, I685, a Londres. 
J_jE Parlement a ete prorogc ce matin jusques au 20 Fevrler. Le Roy 
d'Angleterre a bien reconnu, par ce qui se passa hier dans la C'.hanibre, 
que le parti des factieux augmentoit et se fortifioit tous les jours, et qu'il y 
avoit beaucoup d'inconvenients de les laisser plus longteraps ensemble. 
J'apprends que la surprise a ete grande, et qu'on ne s'attendoit pas que le 
Parlement dut etre separe avaut que I'acte pour le subside fut passe. 
La prorogation rend nul tout ce qui a ete propose et commence sans ctre 



APPENDIX. cxli 

acheve, Ainsi la concession d'lin subside tombe entiereraent comme non 
avenue. II n'y a pas d'apparence que la prorogation du Parlement produise 
d'autre efFet que celui d'augmenter le mecontentement des gens qui sont deja 
aigris. Ceci apporte un grand changement dans les affaires d'Angleterre. 
Je serai applique, comme je le dois, a en rendre un compte exact a V. M. 
pour pouvoir recevoir ses ordres sur la conduite que j'aurai a tenir. 

Je suis, 8cc. 



Le Roy a M. Barillon. 

a Fersailles, le 6 Decembre, 16 85. 

JVl. Barillon j'ai recu depuis trois jours, tant par le retour du courier 
que je vous avez depeche, que par la voie ordinaire, cinq de vos lettres 
des 22, 25, 26, 29, et 30 Novembre, avec les remontrances faites par les 
deux Chambres du Parlement d'Angleterre au Roy leur maitre, les repbnses 
de ce Prince, et le journal de ce qui s'est passe dans les dernieres seances 
jusqu-a la prorogation. 

II y a bien de I'apparence que la mortification que le dit Roy vieht de 
donner a cette Assemblee rendra ceux qui la composent plus soumis a ses 
volontes, et qu'il obtiendra plus facilement a leur retour ce que le chagrin 
de quelques particuliers avoit pu rendre douteux dans cette conjoncture. 
Quoiqu'il en soit, sa fermete a maintenir les ofEciers Catholiques, et a ne 
pas souffrir que la religion dont il ftiit profession deroeure plus longtemps 
exposee aox loix penales, ne pent produire que de bons effets pour sa 
reputation, et pour la surete de son gouvernement. 

Je m'assure cependant qu'il ne s'empressera pas de rencuveller une 
alliance avec I'Espagne, et que le peu de secours qu'il pouvoit tirer de 
cette couronne, rempecliera de faire aucune demarche qui puisse rompre 
les liaisons d'amitie et de bonne intelligence qu'il y a entre moi et iui. 
Puisque vous jugez que le ministre dont vous m'avez ecrit, peut beaucoup 
contribuer a I'entretenir, je veux bien que vous I'y obligiez encore plus 
etroitement par une gratification qui le puisse contenter, et I'attacher for- 
tement a mes interets, Je consens pour cet effet que vous la puissiez 



cxlii APPENDIX. 

porter jusqu'i 20, et meme 25 mille ecus, et je continuerai a lui faire 
payer la meme somme d'annee a d'autre, tant qu'il contribuera, en tout ce 
qui depend de lui, au maintieu d'une bonne correspondence entre moi et 
le Roy son maitre, et a eloigner tout engagement qui pourroit etre con- 
traire a mes interets. Je laisse a votre prudence de faire les premiers 
payements de cette somme, lorsque vous le jugerez necessaire pour le bien 
de mon service. 

L'eclaircissement que vous me donnez de I'emploi des deniers qui ont 
passe par vos mains, me fait croire que vous n'avez effectivement payc 
que la somme de cent mille livres au-dela de mes ordres, et comme je 
suis bien persuade que vous ne I'avez fait que parce que vous I'avez 
cru necessaire pour le bien de mon service, il ne m'en reste aucun sujet de 
mecontentement. 



APPENDIX. cxlili 



II. Correspondence between the Earl o/* Sunderl and awrf/Ae Bishop 
of Oxford, respecting Mr. Locke. See p, 51, et seqq. 

[In the hands of the late Anthony Collins, Esq.] 
From Birch's Papers in the British Museum — Copies in Birch's hand-writing. 

To the Lord Bishop of Oxford. 

My Lord, Whitehall, JVovenaber 6, I684. 

1 HE King being given to understand that one Mr. Locke, who belonged to 
the late Earl of Shaftesbury, and has, upon several occasions, behaved himself 
very factiously and undutifully to the Government, is a student of Christ- 
church ; his Majesty commands me to signify to your Lordship, that he 
would have him removed from being a student, and that in order there- 
unto, your Lordship would let me know the method of doing it. 

I am, my Lord, 8cc. 

SUNDERLAND. 



To the Right Honourable the Earl of Sunderland, Principal Secretary 

of State. 

Right Hon. JVovember 8, I684. 

1 HAVE received the honour of your Lordship's letter, wherein you are 
pleased to emiuire concerning Mr. Locke's being a student of this House, 
of which I have this account to render; that he being, as your Lordship 
is truly informed, a person who was much trusted by the late Earl of 
Shaftesbury, and who is suspected to be ill affected to the Government, I 
have for divers years had an eye upon him, but so close has his guard 
been on himself, that after several strict enquiries, I may confidently affirm, 



cxliv APPENDIX. 

there is not any one in the College, however familiar with him, who had 
heard him speak a word either against, or so much as concerning, the 
Government. And although very frequently, both in publick and private, 
discourses have purposely been introduced, to the disparagement of his 
master, the Earl of Shaftsbury, his party, and designs, he could never be 
provoked to take any notice, or discover in word or look, the least con- 
cern ; so that I believe there is not in the world such a master of taciturnity 
and passion. He has here a physician's place, which frees him from the 
exercises of the college, and the obligation which others have to residence 
in it, and he is now abroad upon want of health ; but notwithstanding that, 
I have summoned jiim to return home, which is done with this prospect, 
that if he comes not back, he will be liable to expulsion for contumacy, 
and if he does, he will be answerable to your Lordship for what he shall 
be found to have done amiss ; it being probable, that though he may have 
been thus cautious here, where he knew himself to be suspected, he has 
laid himself more open in London, where a general liberty of speaking 
was used, and where the execrable designs against his Majesty, and his 
Government, were managed and pursued. If he does not return by the 
first day of January next, which is the time Umitted to him, I shall be 
enabled of course to proceed against him to expulsion. But if this method 
seem not effectual, or speedy enough, and his Majesty, our founder and 
visitor, shall please to command his immediate remove, upon the receipt 
thereof, directed to the Dean and Chapter, it shall accordingly be exe- 
cuted by, My Lord, 

Your Lordship's most humble and obedient servant, 

J. OXON. 

To the Bishop of Ox on. 
Mv Lord, Whitehall, Aorember 10, I684. 

jriAViNG communicated your Lordship's of the 8th to his ALijesty, he 
has thought fit to direct me to send you the enclosed, concerning his com- 
mands for the immediate expulsion of Mr. Locke. 

SUNDERLAND. 



APPENDIX. cxlv 

To the Right Reverend Father in God, John Lord Bishop of Oxon, Dean of 
Christ- church, and to our trusty and well-beloved, the Chapter there. 

Right Rev. Father in God, and trusty and well beloved, We greet you 
well. Whereas we have received information of the factious and disloyal 
behaviour of Locke, one of the students of that our College, We have 
thought fit hereby to signify our will and pleasure to you, that you forthwith 
remove him from his student's place, and deprive him of all the rights and 
advantages thereunto belonging, for which this shall be your warrant; and 
so we bid you heartily farewell. Given at our Court at Whitehall, the 11th 
day of November, 1684. By his Majesty's command, 

SUNDERLAND. 



To the Right Honourable the Earl of Sunderland, principal Secretanj 

of Stale, 
Right Hon. JVovemher 16, I684. 

X HOLD myself bound in duty to signify to your Lordship, that his 
Majesty's commands for the expulsion of Mr. Locke from this College, is 
fully executed. 

J. OXON. 

To the Bishop of Oxom 
My Lord, 

1 HAVE your Lordship's of the 16th, and have acquainted his Majesty 
therewith, who is well satisfied with the College's ready obedience to his 
commands for the expulsion of Mr. Locke. 

5UNDERLAND. 



cxlvi APPENDIX. 



III. The Bill for the Preservation of the King's Person. See p. 154. 



A Bill for the Preservation of the Person and Government of his Gracious 
Majestie King James the Second. 

VV HEREAs impudent, scandalous, and seditious Speeches and Pamfletts 
have oft, (by sad Experience,) produced Insurrection and Rebellion within 
this Kingdom, and great Contempt of the sacred Person of the King and 
the best of Governm". both in Church and State, now establish't in this 
Realm ; which audacious Mischief, seldom heard of in other Kingdoms, 
is now more frequently practised in this Kingdom than formerly. An 
horrid Effect whereof appeared very lately in the barbarous Assassination 
and hellish Plott, design'd upon and against our late merciful and blessed 
Soveraine, King Charles the Second, and his dearest Brother and un- 
doubted Successor, our most Gracious Soveraigne, King James the Second, 
(whom God long preserve) ; And whereas it is still plain, that the same 
or the like damnable Plotts are yet design'd and carrying on by the same 
means and by Persons of the same mallicious and irreconcilable Spirrit 
against the happy Peace and Settlement of these three Kingdoms: We 
THEREFORE, the Lords and Commons, in Parliament assembled, having 
duly considered the Promises; and remembrinji that in the thirteenth 
Year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, (of ever blessed Memory,) a right 
good and proffitable Law was made for Preservac~on of her Maj"". Person, 
and that in the thirteenth Year of the Reigne of King Charles the Second, 
of happy and glorious Memory,) anoti\er right good and profhlable Law, 
was made for the Safety of his Majestie's Person and Government, against 
treasonable and seditious Practices and Attempts, Doe most humbly be- 
beseech Yu'. most Excellent Majestie that it may be enacted, and be it 
enacted by the King's most excellent Majestie, by and with the Advice and 
Consent of the Lords Spirltuall and Temporall and Commons in this p'sent 
Parliament assembled, and by the Autliority of the same, that if any Person 



APPENDIX. cxlvii 

or Persons whatsoever, after the first day of July, in the Year of our Lord 
one thousand six hundred and eighty-five, during the naturall Life of our 
Most Gracious Sovraigne Lord the King, (whom Ahnighty God preserve 
and bless with a long and prosperous Reign,) shall, within the Realm, or 
without, compass, imagine, invent, devise, or intend Death, or Destruction, 
or any bodily Harme tending to the Death or Destruction, maim, or 
wounding Imprisonmente, or Restraint of the Person of the same Our Sove- 
raigne Lord the King, or to deprive or depose him from the Stile, Honour 
and Kingly Name of the Imperiall Crowne of this Realm, or of any other 
his Maj"*'. Dominions or Countries ; or to levy Warr against his Majestie 
within this Realme, or without ; or to move or stirr any Forreigner or 
Strangers with Force to invade this Realm, or any other his Majesties 
Dominions or Countries being under his Majesties Obeysance : And 
such Compassings, Imaginacons, Inventions, Devices, or Intentions, or 
any of them, shall express, utter or declare, by any Printing, Writ- 
ing, Preaching, or malicious and advised Speaking, being legally con- 
victed thereof, upon the Oaths of two lawful and credible Witnesses, 
upon Tryal, or otherwise convicted or attainted by due Course of Law, 
then every such Person or Persons so as aforesaid offending, shall be 
deemed, and declared, and adjudged to be a Traitor or Tray tors, and 
shall suffer Pains of Death, and also lose and forfeit as in Cases of High 
Treason. 

And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that if any Per- 
son or Persons at any Time, after the first Day of July aforesaid, shall by 
any Printing, Writing, Preaching, or other malicious or advised Speak- 
ing, declare or assert that James late Duke of Monmouth is the legitimate 
Sonn of our late Blessed Soveraigne King Charles the Second, or that the 
said James hath a Tytle or good Claime to the Imperial Crowne of this 
Realm, or of any other his Maj"". Dominions and Countries ; that then 
every such Person or Persons so offending, and upon the Oaths of two 
lawful and credible Witnesses, upon Tryal, or otherwise convicted or 
attainted by due course in Law ; then every such Person or Person^ shall 
bee deemed declared and adjudged to be a Tray tor or Tray tors, and shall 
suffer Pains of Death, and also lose a Forfeit as in Case of High Treason. 



cxlviii APPENDIX. 

And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that if any Person 
or Persons at any time after the first Day of July, in the Yeare of our Lord 
one thousand six hundred and eighty-five, during his Maj*'" Life shall ma- 
liciously and advisedly, by Writing, Printing, Preaching, or other Speak- 
ing, express, publish, utter, or declare any Words, Sentences, or other 
Thing or Things, to incite or stir up the People to Hatred or Dislike of 
the Person of his Maj"' or the establish't Government, then every such 
Person and Persons being thereof legally convicted, shall be disabled to 
have or enjoy, and is hereby disabled and made incapable of having, hold- 
ing, enjoying, or exercising any Place, Office, or Promotion, ecclesiastical, 
civil, or military, or any other Employment in Church and State, and 
shall likewise be liable to such further and other Punishments as by the 
Common Lawe and Statutes of this Realm may be inflicted in such cases. 

Provided always, and be it declared, that the asserting and main- 
taining by any W^riting, Printing, Preaching, or any other Speaking, the 
Doctrine, Discipline, Divine Worship or Governm^ of the Church of 
England, as it is now by law established, against Popery, or any other 
different or dissenting Opinions, is not intended and shall not be inter- 
preted or construed to be any offence w"'in y* Words or Meaning of 
this Act. 

Provided always, that no Person be prosecuted upon this Act, for any of 
the Offences in this Act mentioned, unlesse the Information thereof be given 
upon Oath, before some Justice of the Peace, and taken in Writing within 
forty-eight Houres after the Words soe spoken, or the Fact discovered, and 
unless it be by Order of the King's Majestic, his Heirs or Successors, 
under his or their Sign Manuel; or by Order of the Councell Table of his 
Majestie, his Heirs or Successors, directed unto the Attorney General for 
the time being, or some other of the Councell learned to his Majestie, his 
Heirs or Successors, for the Time being, nor shall any Person or Persons 
by vertue of this present Act, incurr any of the Penalties herein before 
menc^oned; unless He or They be prosecuted within six Months next after 
the Offence committed, and indicted thereupon within three Months after 
such Prosecution, any thing herein conteyned to the Contrary notwilh- 
stand ino;. 



APPENDIX. cxhx 

Provided always, and be it enacted, that no Person or Persons shall be 
indicted, arraigned, or condemned, convicted, or attainted for any of the 
Treasons or Offences aforesaid, unless the same Offender or Offenders be 
thereof accused by the Testimony and Deposition of two lawful and cre- 
dible Witnesses, upon Oath, which Witnesses, at the Time of the said 
Offender or Offenders Arraignment, shall be brought in Person before hira 
or them. Face to Face, and shall openly avow and maintain upon Oath what 
they have to say against him or them concerning the Treason or Offences 
conteyned in the said Indictment, unless the Party or Parties arraigned 
shall willingly without violence confess the same. 

Provided always, and be it enacted, that this Act, or any thing therein 
conteyned, shall not extend to deprive either of the Houses of Parliament,, 
or any of their Members, of their just ancient Freedom and Priviledge of 
debating any Matters or Business which shall be propounded or debated 
in either of the said Houses, or at any Conferrences or Committees of 
both, or either of the said Housesof Parliament, or touching the Repeal or 
Alterac~on of any old, or preparing any new Laws, or the redressing of 
any public Grievance. But that the said Members of either of the said 
Houses and the Assistants of the House of Peers and every of them shall 
have the same Freedom of Speech, and all other Priviledges whatsoever, 
as they had before the making of this Act : any Thing in this Act to the 
Contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding. 

Provided alwayes, and bee it further enacted, that if any Peer of this 
Realme, or Member of the House of Commons shall move or propose in 
either House of Parliam^ the Disherision of the rightfuU and true Heir of 
the Crown, or to alter or change the Descent or Succession of the Crown in 
the right Line ; such Offence shall be deemed and adjudged High Treason, 
and every Person being indicted and convicted of such Treason, shall be 
proceeded against,, and shall suffer and forfeite, as in other Cases of High 
Treason menc~oned in this Act. 

Provided always, and be it ordained and enacted, that no Peer of this 
Realm shall be tryed for any Offence against this Act but by his Peers: 
and if his Majestie shall grant his Pardon to any Peer of this Realm or 
Commoner convicted of any Offence against this Act after such Pardon: 



cl APPENDIX. 

granted, the Peer or Commoner so pardoned shall be restored to all in- 
tents and Purposes, as if he had never been convicted : any thing in this 
Law to the contrary in any vj^ise notwithstanding. 



IV. Account of RvMEOLD, from Lord Fountainhall'^ MS. Memoirs. 

See p. 2,32,. 

I>>«0L0NEL Richard Rumbold, another Englishman, was also taken at Les- 
mahago, by Hamilton of Raploch and his militia-men. He was flying 
into England, being conducted by one Turnbull, a man of Polwart, (for 
Polwart had secured himself by flight sooner than the rest had done.) He 
was bold, answerable to his name, and killed one, and wounded two, in the 
taking, and if one had not been some wiser than the rest, by causing shoot 
his horse under him, he might have escaped them all; however, he under- 
valued much our Scots soldiers, as wanting both courage and skill. What 
had unfortunately engaged him in this enterprise was, that he had been 
from his infancy bred up in the republican and antimonarchic principles ; 
and he owned he had been fighting against these idols of monarchy and 
prelacy, since he was nineteen years of age ; (for he was now past sixty- 
three,) and was a lieutenant in Oliver Cromwell's army, and at Dundee, 
and sundry of the Scots battles ; and by the discovery of the English 
fanatick plot in 1683, it was proved and deponed against him, that this 
Rumbold had undertaken to kill the late King in April I683, as he should 
return from Newmarket to London, at his own house, at the Rye in Hogs- 
down, in the county of Hertford, where he had married a maltster's relict, 
and so was designed the Maltster ; and intended to have a cart overturned 
in that narrow place, to facilitate their assassination. But God disap- 
pointed them, by sending the accidental fire at Newmarket, which forced 
the King to return a week sooner to London than he designed; see all this 
in the King's printed declaration. But Rumbold absolutely- (Unied an/- 
knowledge 0/ that designed murder ; though on the breaking out of that plot 
he fled with others to Holland, and there made acquaintance with Argyle. 



APPENDIX. cli 

FountainhallV Decisions, Vol. I. p. 365. 

On the 28th (June, 1685,) the said Richard Rumbold, maltster, was brought 
to his trial. His indictment bore, that he had designed to kill the late 
King, at the Rye or Hogsdown, in his return from Newmarket to London, 
in April, 168 3. But in regard he positively denied the truth of this, (though 
sundry had sworn it against him in England,) the King's advocate passed 
from that part, lest it should have disparaged or impaired the credit of the 
said English plot ; therefore he insisted singly on the point, that he had 
associated himself with the late Argyle, a forfeited traitor, and invaded 
Scotland, 8cc. All this he confessed and signed ; and being interrogated 
if he was one of the masked executioners on King Charles the First's scaf- 
fold, he declared he was not, but that he was one of Oliver Cromwell's 
regiment then, and was on horseback at Whitehall that day, as one of the 
guard about the scaffold ; and that he was at Dunbar, Worcester, and 
Dundee, a lieutenant in Cromwell's army. He said that James Stewart, 
advocate, told them Argyle would ruin all their affair, by lingering in the 
Isles and Highlands, and not presently marching into the inland country; 
wherein he had proved a true prophet, but might see it without a spirit 
of divination. And being asked if he owned the present King's autho- 
rity, he craved kave to be excused, seeing he needed neither offend them, 
nor grate his own conscience, for they had enough whereon to take his 
life beside. He was certainly a man of much natural courage. His rooted 
ingrained opinion was, for a republick against monarchy, to pull which 
down, he thought a duty, and no sin. And on the scaffold he began to 
pray for that party which he had been owning, and to keep the three 
metropolitan cities of the three kingdoms right ; and if every hair of his 
head were a man, he would venture them all in that cause. But the drums 
were then commanded to beat, otherwise he carried discreetly enough, and: 
heard the ministers, but took none of them to the scaffold with him.. 



I'rinted by W. Bulmer and Cc. 
Cleveland-row, St. James's. 









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